And while there’s less heavy fighting today along the Blue Line that separates Lebanon from Israel, ceasefire violations are still being reported as Hezbollah militants and Israeli troops clash – an escalation that began soon after Israeli-US bombing of Iran began on 28 February. 

In line with its Security Council mandate, the UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) continues to support efforts to achieve long-term security and stability for the region’s people.

“The level of violence has been reduced, but we continue to record a number of violations of Resolution 1701 on a daily basis,” said UNIFIL spokesperson Kandice Ardiel.

Read our Resolution 1701 explainer here.

“Peacekeepers are working, including through our liaison and coordination mechanisms, to consolidate the stability gains we’ve seen and continue efforts towards security and stability for everyone living along the Blue Line.” 

The reduction in fighting has enabled many displaced Lebanese families to return to their homes in the south, though significant challenges remain. In many villages and towns including Majdal Zoun, Kafra and Tyre, heavy shelling has scarred the land, while homes, schools and a health centre lie in ruins…

Blue Line holds

On the issue of the Israeli military’s “Yellow Line” buffer zone which is located some five to 10 kilometres (3.1 to 6.2 miles) north of the Blue Line, Ms. Ardiel described it as a self-declared military boundary established by the Israel Defense Forces which is not recognized by the United Nations.

“For the United Nations and UNIFIL, the Blue Line is the only relevant line,” she said. “Any Israeli presence north of the Blue Line is considered a violation of Resolution 1701.”

According to UNIFIL, Israeli forces continue to operate in areas north of the Blue Line, where peacekeepers monitor military activity and continue to urge all parties to preserve recent stability gains.

Homes wrecked

All along the Blue Line, the situation is extremely challenging for families and especially in southern Lebanon. Ms. Ardiel noted a recent increase in the number of returnees following multiple waves of displacement in 2023, 2024 and this year. Many families, she said, are returning to a “very different scenario” than the one they left behind.

“They are coming back to destroyed villages,” Ms. Ardiel explained. “People are trying to rebuild their lives but are facing enormous challenges, including damaged infrastructure and limited access to water, electricity, hospitals and schools.”

Others remain unable to return to their villages located closer to the Blue Line because of ongoing insecurity.

Despite these difficulties, UNIFIL continues to support communities wherever possible, organizing blood donations to help Marjayoun Hospital treat trauma victims and or by donating children’s toys and other supplies to the Istanbouli Theatre in Tyre. 

“We’re here as peacekeepers. We’re here to help build and consolidate stability,” Ms. Ardiel stressed. “We liaise and coordinate between the parties to ensure the safe passage of humanitarian actors and municipal authorities carrying out infrastructure repairs. We’re clearing roads, removing unexploded ordnance and helping create conditions for people to return safely to their communities.”

Movement restrictions 

Asked whether UNIFIL peacekeepers are able to operate freely, Ardiel said patrols and monitoring activities continue, but obstacles sometimes remain.

These include debris and rubble blocking roads, as well as unexploded ordnance that must be cleared before peacekeepers can proceed.

“In some cases, we have also been blocked by Israeli forces, whether through checkpoints, tanks or other military vehicles,” she explained. “These incidents are usually short-lived.”

Ms. Ardiel emphasized that these restrictions have not prevented UNIFIL from carrying out its mandate.

“We remind everyone that peacekeepers have freedom of movement,” she concluded. “We have a job to do, and we must be able to do it effectively and impartially.”

Recent attacks killed two Lebanese Red Cross volunteers: Youssef Assaf, who died during a rescue operation on 9 March, and Hassan Badawi, killed in a drone strike on 12 April.

According to the UN World Health Organization (WHO), there have been 169 confirmed attacks on healthcare workers and facilities in Lebanon, resulting in 116 deaths.

Lebanese authorities say more than 3,000 people have been killed since hostilities escalated in March, with violence continuing despite the ceasefire. Hezbollah fighters based in Lebanon began shelling Israeli communities shortly after the Israeli-US bombing of Iran began; exchanges of fire continue today, with media reports indicating that 21 Israeli soldiers have been killed since 2 March.

UN News spoke with Thameen Al-Kheetan, spokesperson for the UN human rights office, OHCHR; Tommaso Della Longa, spokesperson for the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC); and Ali Saad from the Lebanese Red Cross. All of them agree on one thing: that first responders should never be targets.

Aid workers caught in the crossfire

From a human rights perspective, deliberately targeting medical personnel constitutes a war crime. According to OHCHR’s Mr. Al-Kheetan, the international community must do more to ensure the protection of healthcare workers in all conflicts.

The office “has documented cases where Israeli forces launched attacks involving direct strikes on civilians, including medical personnel,” he maintained, stressing that such attacks are not unprecedented, pointing to similar patterns previously documented in Gaza and in other conflicts around the world.

A ‘shocking’ sight

Describing a recent visit to Lebanon, IFRC’s Mr. Della Longa recalled the jarring sight of Red Cross volunteers putting on flak jackets and helmets before heading out to save lives.

“What shocked me most,” he said, “was seeing Lebanon lose people who are committed to humanity and to serving others.”

Mr. Della Longa explained that the details and location of Youssef Assaf and Hassan Badawi’s mission had been shared with the warring parties. They were also travelling in ambulances clearly marked with the Red Cross insignia when they were killed.

‘They are not just numbers’

“Behind every paramedic or volunteer killed, there is a family – they are not just numbers,” he said. “Hassan had a pregnant wife and a son waiting for him at home.”

For Mr. Della Longa, “hitting an ambulance and killing a humanitarian worker means weakening entire communities.”

He renewed the call for the international community to respect and protect civilians, humanitarian workers, and medical transports in accordance with international law.

Deconfliction failing on the ground

To help protect rescue teams, the Lebanese Red Cross works with the UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), sharing coordinates and ensuring that all belligerents are informed of the paramedics’ whereabouts. This vital work is known as deconfliction, explained Mr. Saad, a liaison coordinator with the Lebanese Red Cross.

But even with all these measures in place, rescuers have still been targeted.

“This is why the Red Cross volunteers hug each other and say goodbye before every mission,” he explained.

The killing of Youssef Assaf and Hassan Badawi still haunts their volunteer colleagues who have had no explanation why they were targeted. Such attacks – and the killing of Lebanese journalist Amal Khalil on 22 April – are evidence of a “double tap” trend which is increasing, insisted Mr. Saad.

Killed carrying a stretcher

Hassan Badawi was killed in a strike while stepping out of an ambulance with a stretcher during a rescue mission in southern Lebanon, Mr. Saad said, “a drone attacked him directly leaving 300 pieces of shrapnel in his body.”

Given UNIFIL’s key deconfliction role, their impending drawdown and withdrawal from Lebanon next year is unthinkable, the Red Cross worker says: “I don’t know who will support us, but UNIFIL truly, they were international witnesses on what is going on. They might not stop the war or provide a security umbrella, but they were the only true witness to this situation.”

In the meantime, the 5,000 Red Cross volunteers will continue to go on mission and risk their lives. They can access zones located in the so-called “yellow line” – a no-go zone inside southern Lebanon created by the Israeli military last month – but cannot enter battlefield zones near the border, not even to pick up dead bodies.

“They are not military people, their only weapon is a bandage and helping people,” which should be good enough reason to protect them, Mr. Saad insists.

The development poses a “serious humanitarian risk” to civilians living there, maintained the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), briefing journalists in Geneva.

“The use of herbicides raises questions about the effects on local agricultural lands and how this might impact the return of civilians to their homes and livelihoods in the long term,” said Alessandra Vellucci, Director of the UN Information Service in Geneva.

Reiterating remarks made by the UN Spokesperson in New York on Thursday, Ms. Vellucci highlighted the obligations of all parties under international humanitarian law. “Any activity by the [Israel Defense Forces] IDF north of the Blue Line is a violation of resolution 1701,” she told journalists.

OHCHR spokesperson Thameen Al-Kheetan insisted that the reports required deeper investigation “to confirm the nature of the chemical substances” that had been used. “Attacks on farmland and water sources poses a serious…humanitarian risk,” he said.

Reports attributed to the Lebanese authorities indicate that the herbicide is glyphosate, and that samples taken from the sprayed areas where there is dense vegetation showed concentrations at 20 to 30 times the recommended level.

Occupied West Bank warning

The UN human rights official also expressed deep concern at developments in the occupied West Bank, warning that new Israeli operations and settlements risk undermining a viable Palestinian state.

Since last year, tens of thousands of Palestinians have been forcibly displaced across the occupied West Bank.

This includes three refugee camps impacted by Israel’s militarised “Iron Wall” operation which uprooted more than 32,000 people from the camps of Jenin, Tulkarem and Nur Shams. 

They are still unable to return home, and many have had their houses destroyed by Israeli forces, Mr. Al-Kheetan said.

New Israel security operations impacting Palestinians have included a campaign in occupied East Jerusalem, including at least two major operations targeting two Palestinian communities, according to the UN human rights office, OHCHR. 

“In the Shu’fat refugee camp, they raided dozens of homes and shops, detained at least 25 Palestinians, confiscated goods, and seized 10 private vehicles,” Mr. Al-Kheetan explained. 

“In another large-scale operation, targeting Kafr Aqab neighbourhood and the boundaries of Qalandiya refugee camp, Israeli security forces reportedly demolished 70 Palestinian structures. This appears to be in preparation for major settlement projects in the area.”

This is in addition to “relentless violence” by Israeli settlers against Palestinians – “with the support and participation of Israeli security forces”, the UN human rights office said, maintaining that Israeli settlements are expanding “at previously unseen pace” in breach of international law.

OHCHR said that in December, the Israeli authorities sought tenders for the construction of more than 3,000 settlement units in the area between three of the most significant Palestinian urban centres: East Jerusalem, Ramallah, and Bethlehem. 

Responding to a question about the Israeli “E1 plan” that would reportedly separate the northern and southern West Bank from East Jerusalem, Mr. Al-Kheetan warned that it “risks separating Palestinian communities from each other and thus affecting seriously the viability of a Palestinian state…the bottom line is that all settlements must be evacuated and the settlement activity must stop.”

Hezbollah, the Lebanese Shia militant and political movement, says it will disregard a decision by Lebanon’s government to task the army with establishing a state monopoly on arms.

“We will treat this decision as if it does not exist,” Hezbollah said in a statement on Wednesday, describing it as a “grave sin”.

The comments come despite mounting international pressure for the group to disarm.

The Iranian-backed group was significantly degraded in last year’s war with Israel but has, so far, refused to give up its arsenal, despite calls from the US and domestic rivals.

Hezbollah also said that the Lebanese cabinet’s decision to try and confine arms supply and production to state forces was the result of American “diktats”.

It added that it was open to dialogue and discussions on “the national security strategy”, but not “in the context of aggression”.

On Tuesday, Lebanon’s cabinet asked the military to present a plan that will see all arms brought under state control by the end of the year.

The plan is to be presented to the cabinet by the end of this month for discussion and approval, Prime Minister Nawaf Salam told a press conference after the six-hour cabinet meeting.

In June, American officials presented a roadmap to Lebanese authorities that proposed Hezbollah’s full disarmament in exchange for Israel halting its strikes and withdrawing troops from five locations in southern Lebanon, which have been occupied despite a ceasefire deal reached in November.

The group’s leader, Naim Qassem, in a televised address while the cabinet meeting was underway, said Hezbollah would not discuss “the issue of the weapons” while Israeli attacks continue, accusing Israel of breaching the terms of the ceasefire. Israel says its attacks are to prevent Hezbollah from regrouping and rearming.

Despite its weakened status, Hezbollah still enjoys significant support among Lebanon’s Shia Muslim population, and discussions around its disarmament risk elevating tensions in the country, where many still remember the 1975-1990 civil war.

At least 12 people have been killed in Israeli air strikes in Lebanon’s eastern Bekaa Valley, a regional governor says.

Seven Syrians, including a family of five, and three Lebanese were killed when the Wadi Faara area was hit, Baalbek-Hermel Governor Bachir Khodr wrote on X. The other two deaths were reported in Shmustar.

The Israeli military said it had struck a number of military compounds belonging to the armed group Hezbollah, including training camps affiliated to its elite Radwan Force.

These were the deadliest strikes since a ceasefire ended a year of fighting between Israel and Hezbollah, including two months of all-out war that left the group severely weakened.

Hezbollah has not yet commented on the attacks, although its Al-Manar TV channel said they constituted violations of both the ceasefire and Lebanon’s sovereignty.

The Arabic-language spokesperson of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), Lt Col Avichay Adraee, said on X that Tuesday’s strikes hit several Hezbollah targets.

“As part of the strikes, military compounds belonging to the Radwan Force have been targeted, where terrorist operatives and warehouses used to store combat equipment employed by Hezbollah have been identified,” Adraee said.

The Radwan Force is Hezbollah’s elite commando unit.

The IDF said in a separate English statement that it had killed the Radwan Force’s commanders in September 2024 – when it launched an intense air campaign against Hezbollah and invaded southern Lebanon – and that since then the unit had been “operating to re-establish its capabilities”.

The IDF asserted that Hezbollah’s storage of weapons and military activities in the Bekaa Valley constituted a “blatant violation of the understandings between Israel and Lebanon and constitute a future threat to the State of Israel”.

Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz said the strikes sent “a clear message” to Hezbollah and the Lebanese government, emphasising that Israel was prepared to “respond with maximum force against any attempt at rebuilding” Hezbollah’s military capabilities.

The basis of the ceasefire agreement between the Israeli and Lebanese governments, brokered by US mediators in November, was the full implementation of UN Security Council resolution 1701, which ended the last war in 2006.

Hezbollah was required to withdraw its forces to positions north of the Litani River – approximately 30km (20 miles) from the Israeli border – leaving only the Lebanese army and United Nations peacekeepers authorized to operate with arms in that area.

Israel was required to fully pull its forces out of Lebanon, but it has maintained a military presence at five sites in the south that it considers strategically important.

The agreement also noted that the resolution reaffirmed previous Security Council calls for the “disarmament of all armed groups” in Lebanon.

RIYADH: With a new president and a fresh cabinet, Lebanon stands at a pivotal moment. Can this government reverse economic collapse and restore trust?

The financial crisis, ongoing since 2019, has caused an $80 billion banking sector deficit, while debt restructuring remains stalled by political disputes.

The national currency has seen a 90 percent drop in value since 2019, and an International Monetary Fund delegation in May found Lebanon’s economic reforms insufficient to warrant financial aid, leading to an overreliance on foreign reserves. 

Nawaf Salam, appointed prime minister in January, used his first speech after securing the role to pledge to “rescue, reform and rebuild” Lebanon, alongside the leadership of President Joseph Aoun.

Both are facing mounting pressure to enact deep structural reforms, Fadi Nicholas Nassar, senior fellow at the Middle East Institute and director of the Institute for Social Justice and Conflict Resolution at the Lebanese American University told Arab News: “The country is emerging from financial collapse, the lingering trauma of the Beirut port blast, and over a year of war, yet time is not on its side. Trust, though quickly lost, is not so easily restored.” 

Jassem Ajaka, a Lebanese economist and professor, argues that full transparency and an independent audit of Lebanon’s financial sector and public finances are fundamental first steps. “We have not had such an audit since 2003, which is unacceptable. Without this, it is impossible to fairly distribute losses,” he told Arab News.

“Lebanon’s ability to secure economic aid and investments is deeply tied to the shifting geopolitical landscape,” said Ralph Baydoun, founder and director of research and strategic communications firm InflueAnswers. 

Baydoun explained that Lebanon must implement decisive reforms to regain international trust and reintegrate into the global financial system. 

Key priorities include robust anti-money laundering measures to escape the Financial Action Task Force blacklist grey list, an independent audit of the Banque du Liban and commercial banks for transparency, and a clear framework for distributing financial losses. 

He further added that the country needs a sustainable economic growth strategy focused on key sectors like technology, services, and exports.

One early positive sign came when Salam vowed to end sectarian quotas in financial appointments, a longstanding governance issue.

The financial burden on depositors

Lebanese banks had placed the majority of their funds with the central bank, whose financial engineering schemes propped up government spending and an unsustainable currency peg. Disagreements over how to distribute financial losses have fueled political deadlock.

Ajaka suggested deep restructuring of the banking sector, including mergers based on economic benefits and asset sales where necessary. “This restructuring should prioritize both depositors’ interests and the Lebanese economy. However, we must first determine the financial status of each bank before deciding the best course of action,” he said.

Depositors continue to bear losses while those responsible remain unpunished, Farida said. In 2023, the adviser proposed an alternative recovery roadmap outlining a phased approach to restoring depositors’ savings while holding financial elites accountable for the economic collapse. 

The plan prioritizes an immediate payout to small depositors, funded by a comprehensive audit of bank reserves and the recovery of excessive interest payments and illicitly transferred funds. Larger deposits would be gradually restored through a combination of bank bail-ins and legal actions against those responsible for mismanaging Lebanon’s banking sector. 

Lebanon’s ability to secure economic aid and investments is deeply tied to the shifting geopolitical landscape.

Ralph Baydoun, founder and director of InflueAnswers

Commenting on the reduction in the potential payouts for depositors, Farida said: “The more time we wait, the less this number is. I expect this number to be going down with time. Unless there is a complete audit, we can’t really tell the exact number.”

Unlike past government proposals, Farida’s plan rejects the use of public assets to cover banking losses, aiming instead to shield state resources from further depletion. However, with deposit values eroding daily, he warns that delays in implementation will make full recovery increasingly difficult.

The Depositors’ Union welcomed reform pledges but stressed accountability, rejecting any plan shifting banking losses to public assets. It called for fair restructuring that prioritizes depositors’ rights and holds banks accountable.

“Accountability is the key for any reform plan. There cannot be a regain of the trust in the system, in the public sector or in banking sector, if the ones who were responsible for this crisis were not held accountable,” Mohammad Farida, the economic adviser to the Depositors’ Union in Lebanon, told Arab News.

One of the greatest obstacles to reform was Hezbollah’s influence over the state. The group’s political and military entrenchment continued for years to deter international investment and prevented Lebanon from fully reintegrating into the regional economy. 

The damage cannot be undone by words alone. Only material deliverables can restore trust — locally, regionally, and globally.

Fadi Nicholas Nassar, senior fellow at the Middle East Institute

For Lebanon to emerge from its crisis, Nassar argued, major structural changes are needed. “Restoring full sovereignty means dismantling Hezbollah, not just managing around it. Governance must shift from patronage to competence, with ministries staffed by professionals, not cronies. Basic services like electricity cannot remain luxuries,” he said.

Baydoun argued that Hezbollah is now in a more precarious position than in previous years due to financial strains from war and a decline in Iranian support. 

He explained to Arab News that Lebanon’s ties with Iran and Hezbollah have long restricted Western and Gulf financial support. 

Baydoun highlighted that the diminishing influence of Iran’s regional network and the weakening of the Assad regime in Syria have created an opportunity for Lebanon to move closer to Western spheres of influence and regain donor confidence.

The economic crisis deepened as the humanitarian situation worsened. The World Bank estimated Hezbollah-Israel war damages at $8.5 billion, with the economy shrinking 10 percent in 2024 — its fifth year of contraction, totaling over 34 percent of the gross domestic product. Over 875,000 were displaced, and key sectors faced billions in losses.

“The estimated $10 billion required for reconstruction in Lebanon will likely come from international donors, primarily the GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council), rather than from Iran,” Baydoun added.

On Jan. 29, President Aoun reaffirmed Lebanon’s commitment to reforms, stating that the new government’s priority is drafting necessary legislation. In a meeting with World Bank official Osman Dion, Aoun said: “The first task of the new government is to immediately begin drafting the necessary legislation for this purpose.” 

Accountability is the key for any reform plan. There cannot be a regain of the trust in the system, in the public sector or in banking sector, if the ones who were responsible for this crisis were not held accountable.

Mohammad Farida, economic adviser to the Depositors’ Union in Lebanon

Nassar said that Lebanon’s new government has only one way to prove its legitimacy – by delivering results. 

“The damage cannot be undone by words alone. Only material deliverables can restore trust — locally, regionally, and globally,” he said.

Moody’s has projected that economic activity could begin to recover later this year, contingent on political stability and the implementation of reforms. Yet, Lebanon’s road to recovery is far from guaranteed. International donors — including the Gulf ones — remain skeptical, demanding real action rather than political rhetoric.

“Attracting foreign direct investments requires two key conditions: Lebanon must implement ceasefire agreements with Israel and establish an independent judiciary to combat corruption,” Ajaka stated. He added that Lebanon’s high return on investment potential could make it a key regional player if these conditions are met.

Saudi Arabia’s Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan underscored this sentiment during a visit to the country on Jan. 23, saying: “We will need to see real action, real reform, and a commitment to a Lebanon that is looking to the future, not to the past.”

Baydoun explained that Lebanon’s exclusion from key regional trade routes, including China’s Belt and Road Initiative and the Iraq-Syria-Turkiye-Europe corridor, stems from both political instability and shifting regional alliances. 

To avoid further marginalization, he noted, Lebanon must actively lobby for integration and position itself as a strategic trade hub. The Beirut Port explosion accelerated its economic sidelining, making its reconstruction — aligned with regional trade networks— a priority. “If Lebanon does not proactively position itself as an indispensable part of one of these networks, it risks permanent exclusion from the evolving global supply chain,” Baydoun added.

The energy sector and economic recovery

Addressing the financial crisis, energy policy expert and Middle East and North Africa director of the Natural Resource Governance Institute, Laury Haytayan, said: “There is a need to encourage the private sector to invest in the renewable energy sector to go beyond the individual initiatives.”

Lebanon’s offshore gas has often been seen as an economic game-changer, but Haytayan warned against unrealistic expectations, saying that the nation lacks active hydrocarbon discoveries, making energy wealth an unreliable recovery catalyst.

The energy expert dismissed the notion of using the country’s underdeveloped oil and gas sector as a bargaining chip in negotiations with international stakeholders, while stressing the need to restructure Lebanon’s electricity sector rather than relying on oil and gas for short-term recovery. 

Haytayan urged regulatory reforms, including appointing the long-awaited electricity regulator and enforcing the 23-year-old electricity law mandating Electricite Du Liban’s unbundling and private sector involvement. She questioned whether the new minister would push for privatization, a move which Ajaka argued is crucial for state-owned enterprises, particularly in the electricity sector. 

“Lebanon has spent over $50 billion on electricity with no results. Justice must investigate these expenditures,” he said, citing the UK’s deregulation success as a potential model for Lebanon.

Looking at regional energy developments, Haytayan was clear that Lebanon cannot be measured against leading Gulf states, saying: “There is no country in the Middle East and North Africa that could be compared to Saudi Arabia and the UAE when it comes to technical and financial capacities.”

Baydoun argued that the Gulf’s dominance in energy does not hinder Lebanon’s potential but rather offers a strategic advantage. While the GCC exports to Asia, Lebanon — if it begins oil and gas production — could target European markets, avoiding direct competition. He added that Lebanon should leverage the GCC for technical expertise and investment.

The economic adviser to the Depositors’ Union adviser Farida said the primary challenge in implementing reforms and resolving Lebanon’s economic crisis lies in the need for legislative updates, including new laws requiring parliamentary approval, stressing that any plan must first gain parliamentary backing to have a real chance of success.

He said: “It’s still premature to judge whether this administration will be able to actually produce a new comprehensive plan for the financial gap in the banking sector and the overall crisis in the public sector and the administration.”

Senior Hezbollah lawmaker Mohammed Raad accused its opponents of working for fragmentation and exclusion.

He complained that his group had “extended its hand” by supporting Aoun’s election only to find the “hand cut”, and warned that “any government at odds with coexistence has no legitimacy whatsoever”.

However, Christian and Sunni allies of Hezbollah did back Salam.

Gebran Bassil, the leader of Lebanon’s biggest Maronite Christian bloc, called him the “face of reform”. Sunni lawmaker Faisal Karami meanwhile said he had nominated the ICJ chief due to the demands for “change and renewal” as well as promises of international support for Lebanon.

Salam is a member of a prominent Sunni family from Beirut. His uncle, Salam, helped Lebanon gain independence from France in 1943 and served several terms as prime minister. His cousin, Tammam, was also prime minister from 2014 to 2016.

He holds a doctorate in political science from Sciences Po university in France, a doctorate in history from the Sorbonne and a Master of Law degree from Harvard Law School.

Salam worked as a lawyer and a lecturer at several universities before serving as Lebanon’s permanent representative to the United Nations in New York from 2007 to 2017.

He became a member of the ICJ – the UN’s top court – in 2018, and was elected president for a three-year term last February. He took over as the ICJ heard a case brought by South Africa that accused Israeli forces of committing genocide against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip. Israel dismissed the allegation as baseless.

As president, Aoun will not be responsible for executive decisions. However, he will be responsible for signing bills into law, consulting political parties on the appointment of a prime minister and approving the cabinet before it goes to parliament for a vote of confidence.

Lebanon has not had a properly functioning government since the last parliamentary elections in May 2022.

Caretaker Prime Minister Najib Mikati was unable to secure backing for a new cabinet before then-president Michel Aoun’s term ended that October, leaving his administration with reduced powers.

The deeply divided parliament then failed to elect a new president on 12 occasions.

Momentum built behind Aoun’s candidacy on Wednesday, when Marada Movement leader Suleiman Frangieh, who Hezbollah had backed over the past two years, withdrew from the race and said the army chief had “the qualifications to preserve the position of the first presidency”.

In Thursday’s first round, 71 lawmakers voted in favour of Aoun, 15 short of the two-thirds majority he required in the 128-seat parliament. Another 37 lawmakers – many of them reportedly from Hezbollah and its ally Amal – cast blank ballots, while 20 ballots were declared invalid.

Several hours later, Aoun was elected president after receiving 99 votes in the second round, after Hezbollah and Amal backed him.

Hezbollah lawmaker Mohammed Raad said that by delaying the election, the group had “sent a message that we are the guardians of national consensus”.

As soon as the result was announced by Speaker Nabih Berri, TV channels showed scenes of celebration around the country.

Aoun was later shown arriving at the parliament building, wearing a dark suit rather than his army uniform. He then inspected the guards before entering the chamber to be sworn in.

The UN Special Coordinator for Lebanon, Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert, said the election was “a long-awaited first step towards overcoming Lebanon’s political and institutional vacuum and providing the Lebanese people with the functioning state institutions they deserve”.

“A prime minister must be designated and a government formed without delay. The tasks ahead of the Lebanese state are too monumental to waste any more time,” she added.

French President Emmanuel Macron congratulated Aoun on what he called a “crucial election” that “paves the way for reform and the restoration of Lebanon’s sovereignty and prosperity”.

The US embassy in Beirut said it was committed to working closely with Aoun as he begun “his efforts to unite the country, implement reforms and secure a prosperous future for Lebanon”.

Iran’s embassy also sent its congratulations and said it looked forward to working with Lebanon “in a way that serves the common interests of our countries”.

“There is nothing yet in terms of allocation for reconstruction,” Nasser Yasin, the environment minister and head of the government’s crisis cell told the BBC on Wednesday.

“We have some good indications, some pledges from friends of Lebanon,” he said. “But we estimate we are going to need billions of dollars this time. The level of destruction is probably six to 10 times what it was in 2006.”

Israel has said it was acting solely against Hezbollah in its strikes on Nabatieh, and not against the Lebanese population. Yasin accused the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) of “urbicide” for its widespread destruction of the city.

On a visit to Nabatieh on Wednesday afternoon, Imran Riza, the UN’s deputy special co-ordinator for Lebanon, told the BBC the scale of what needed to be done was “enormous”.

“The past two and a half months, particularly, have been massively destructive,” he said. “It is a very long road back.”

With a bandaged head, Jawad Hamzeh takes me through the rubble of his home.

His three daughters died in the attack, including 24-year-old Nada who was pregnant. He holds up another daughter’s law books, she was studying to be a lawyer.

There were no militants here, he says. “Where are the missiles, do you see them?” he asks.

The Iranian-backed Hezbollah began attacking Israel on 8 October 2023 in solidarity with its ally Hamas, which had carried out a devastating attack on Israel the day before. Months of cross-border exchanges followed, and then, in late September this year, Israel assassinated Hezbollah’s leader, Hassan Nassrallah, and followed that with a ground invasion.

Hezbollah is committed to Israel’s destruction, but it is more than a militant group. It is the most powerful political force in Lebanon and a social movement which serves as a bulwark for Lebanon’s long-discriminated Shia communities against other sects in the country.

Tens of thousands of Israelis have been displaced by the year-long war. By attacking Hezbollah on multiple fronts, Israel hopes to degrade the group and let its people return home.

Despite US-led ceasefire talks, neither side appears willing to back down.

On 30 October, the Israeli military issued an evacuation order in the Bekaa city of Baalbek, which the UN described as the “largest forced movement Lebanon has experienced in a single day” since the start of the conflict. As many as 150,000 people were given only hours to flee another Israeli assault.

There, not far from the magnificent Roman ruins with its towering temple of Bacchus, I met Hussein Nassereldine, 42, whose home had been destroyed in an Israeli strike the night before.

“No terrorist or bad person lived here,” he says. “All who lived here were decent people.” He says it was home to families who had fled Beirut in 1982 during the country’s civil war, including his own. “We were born here and lived here, and we will stay and won’t leave here,” he says.

As I leave, men with pickaxes and shovels are making slow progress in the rubble and Hussein prepares to erect a tent on what was left of his home.