On 10 November, the Federal Government of Somalia formally declared a drought emergency and appealed for urgent international assistance as conditions continued to deteriorate across northern, central and southern regions, according to the UN relief coordination office, OCHA.

Puntland is among the worst affected areas, where authorities estimate that nearly one million people need support, including 130,000 in immediate life-threatening need.

A UN assessment mission to Bari and Nugaal regions earlier this month found communities grappling with acute water and food shortages, with residents warning that catastrophe could unfold in the coming months.

“We have not received rain since last year; this is the worst drought in years,” said Abdiqani Osman Omar, the mayor of Shaxda village in Bari region.

“Hundreds of displaced families moved here three months ago, and more are coming. The new arrivals are mostly women and children as the men have moved to nearby Ethiopia in search of pasture and water.”

The village has no capacity to support them, he added, stating that even host communities need water and food assistance.

Dried up water sources, abandoned settlements

Across Puntland, water points have dried up, vegetation has withered and once-inhabited pastoral settlements now stand abandoned.

In Dhaxan town, where brief Gu’ season (April-June) showers offered short-lived hope earlier this year, residents are now dependent on expensive trucked water after the local borehole was found to be contaminated.

Community leader Jama Abshir Hersi said around 150 families moved to the town after the rains.

“We used to receive food and nutrition assistance, and medical supplies for our health unit. All that assistance has dwindled,” he said.

Funding shortfalls

Funding shortfalls are compounding the crisis.

As of 23 November, Somalia’s 2025 Humanitarian Response Plan was only 23.7 per cent funded, forcing major reductions in assistance. The number of people receiving emergency food aid plunged from 1.1 million in August to just 350,000 this month.

In Puntland alone, 89 supplementary feeding sites and 198 health and stabilization centres are facing severe supply shortages.

Millions going hungry

The drought is unfolding amid an already dire humanitarian landscape. At least 4.4 million people are projected to face acute food insecurity through December, while 1.85 million children under five are expected to suffer acute malnutrition through mid-2026.

Weather forecasts indicate little immediate relief. The UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) warned that dry and hot conditions are expected to persist across most of the country, particularly in central and northern regions.

“The prevailing high temperatures and poor rain are likely to exacerbate water stress and limit pasture regeneration in most areas,” the agency said.

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The landmark decision, announced on Thursday, also considered the harm caused to succeeding generations.

“Forced displacement is permanent in nature until the victims benefit from a safe and dignified return to their place of habitual residence or are voluntarily resettled elsewhere,” said Committee member Hélène Tigroudja.

Conflict, displacement and violations

The Committee found that the 269 members of the K’iche’, Ixil and Kaqchikel Mayan Indigenous Peoples were violently uprooted from their traditional lands and forced to seek refuge in the capital, Guatemala City, in violation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

They were forcibly displaced during “scorched earth” operations amid internal armed conflict in the 1980s.

Mayan leaders approached the Committee in 2021, claiming their rights under the UN treaty were violated.

Although they had reached a settlement with the Government and agreed on several reparation measures under the 2011 National Compensation Programme – which foresaw, in particular, the resettlement and construction of alternative housing – it was never implemented.

‘Stripped of cultural identity’

The UN Committee’s decision noted that while in the capital city, Mayans were also forced to conceal and ultimately change their identities, representing another violation.

“The uprooting of the victims from their natural environment and lands had a deep, devastating, and lasting impact as they were irremediably stripped of their cultural identity,” Ms. Tigroudja said. 

“They had to abandon their cultural practices, stop wearing their traditional clothing and stop speaking their language, which also constitutes an irreparable loss for their children and grandchildren,” she added.

Transgenerational trauma

In a new approach, the Committee considered that the State violated not only the rights of those who were forcibly displaced but also the rights of third-generation children born in displacement, thus transmitting the trauma of being uprooted. 

“Indigenous Peoples’ rights are, by definition, intergenerational.  Transmission is a key condition for the continuity of Indigenous Peoples’ existence and cultures,” Ms. Tigroudja said.

The Committee also highlighted that the forced displacement and accompanying violence resulted in the victims having to leave behind the buried bodies of their relatives. 

Burial rites disrupted

Moreover, they were unable to perform funeral rituals for family members who died or were executed or forcibly disappeared during the conflict, in violation of their right not to be subjected to torture and inhumane treatment. 

“In Mayan culture, not performing funeral rites is considered a moral transgression which can lead to spiritually caused illnesses that can manifest as physical diseases and can affect the entire lineage,” Ms. Tigroudja explained. 

“These are not only performative ceremonies and rituals but an integral part of the physical, moral and spiritual integrity of members of the communities as well as of the communities as a whole,” she added.

Action by authorities

The Committee requested Guatemala to search for and hand over the remains of the disappeared family members so that funeral rituals can be carried out in accordance with cultural requirements. 

The Government is also urged to undertake other measures, including providing victims, their children and grandchildren with the necessary medical, psychological and/or psychiatric treatment; and publicly acknowledging responsibility.

About the Committee

The Human Rights Committee comprises 18 independent experts who monitor implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

More than 170 States are party to the UN treaty. Committee members are elected by States parties and serve in their personal capacity. They are not UN staff and do not receive payment for their work. 

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Jamie has received £120,000 – the maximum payout from the government’s Vaccine Damage Payment Scheme.

His wife, who is clear that neither of them is against vaccines, says he will never work again and that this is not a fair or adequate amount.

“The scheme is inadequate and inefficient – offers too little too late and to too few,” she said.

The inquiry heard that figures from a Freedom of Information request by VIBUK show that, as of 30 November 2024, victims and their families have made 17,519 claims to the scheme.

Of these:

South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol’s political future hangs by a thread after his controversial attempt to impose martial law sparked widespread protests and condemnation. Thousands of demonstrators have taken to the streets of Seoul, calling for his resignation, but political analysts are skeptical that the embattled president will step down voluntarily.

On Tuesday, December 3, President Yoon declared martial law, citing the need to combat “enemies of the state, anti-state activities, and pro-North Korean sympathizers.” However, he provided no evidence to substantiate these claims. The declaration, seen as a drastic and unwarranted measure, faced swift backlash from lawmakers across the political spectrum.

By early Wednesday morning, an emergency vote in parliament forced Yoon to rescind the martial law order. The reversal underscored his weakened position as a leader with plummeting public approval and limited parliamentary support.

Dr. Yong-Chool Ha, director of the University of Washington’s Center for Korea Studies, noted that Yoon likely believed his actions were legally justified. “Yoon is a peculiar individual. He might have thought that he strictly followed the rules, even this time,” Ha said. “So, it’s very unlikely Yoon would accept his mistake.”

In the aftermath of Yoon’s failed bid, six opposition parties filed an impeachment motion against him. The motion, led by the Democratic Party, accuses the president of violating the constitution through his martial law declaration, which the opposition leader labeled a “coup attempt.”

The motion requires a two-thirds majority to pass, necessitating support from at least eight lawmakers from Yoon’s ruling People Power Party (PPP). Voting is expected to take place on Saturday, and the political stakes are high.

PPP leader Han Dong-hoon has vowed to block the impeachment motion, describing it as an effort to prevent “unprepared chaos to the public.” He has also urged Yoon to take responsibility for his actions by leaving the party.

Sung-yoon Lee, a fellow at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, believes Yoon will not go down without a fight. “Yoon looks unlikely to step down and will likely contest the impeachment process,” Lee said, highlighting the president’s legal background as a former prosecutor.

Should the impeachment motion pass, South Korea’s Constitutional Court will have the final say on Yoon’s removal from office. The court currently has six judges, four of whom were appointed by Yoon, raising questions about impartiality in the proceedings.

Sung-yoon Lee noted that Yoon may have initially believed he had sufficient backing to justify his actions, but the fallout has been catastrophic. “It’s an own goal, an unforced error that has put his political career, his supporters, and his party at great risk,” Lee said.

Yoon’s actions have triggered mass protests, with thousands of South Koreans marching through Seoul to demand his resignation. The country has a painful history with military dictatorships, which ruled for nearly three decades and were marked by repression and violence. South Korea transitioned to democracy in 1988, and citizens view Yoon’s actions as a betrayal of their hard-won democratic freedoms.

“Martial law in South Korea conjures up images of tanks rolling over people, soldiers firing on unarmed civilians, and arbitrary arrests,” said Sung-yoon Lee. “This is seen as a significant setback, politically and psychologically, for the nation.”

Yoon’s political troubles began well before his martial law debacle. Since the ruling PPP suffered a crushing defeat in April’s general elections, his administration has struggled to pass key legislation, including his proposed budget bill. His approval ratings had already fallen to around 20% prior to this week’s events, further cementing his status as a lame-duck president.

Compounding his problems are scandals involving his wife, Kim Keon-hee, who faces allegations of corruption and influence peddling. These issues have added fuel to the public’s anger and diminished confidence in his leadership.

Despite his domestic struggles, Yoon has been lauded internationally for his efforts to strengthen ties with the United States, Japan, and Europe. He has been a key player in advancing the US-led alliance in the Indo-Pacific region and mending strained relations with Japan.

However, the martial law controversy has tarnished his global reputation. “The latest developments are a major shock and a source of disappointment for the US and other democracies around the world,” Lee said.

Observers expect North Korea to exploit the political crisis in South Korea. The two Koreas remain technically at war, and Yoon has maintained a hardline stance against Pyongyang during his tenure. North Korea has previously vilified Yoon, and experts predict it will use the current turmoil to ramp up propaganda.

“It would be atypical of North Korea to let this spectacular crisis in South Korea and Yoon go to waste,” Lee remarked. “I expect North Korea to be more assertive and provocative, using this moment to criticize Yoon’s leadership and policies.”

The coming days will be critical for Yoon’s political future. With the impeachment vote scheduled for Saturday, the outcome could determine whether South Korea sees its second-ever presidential impeachment. Should the motion pass, the ensuing legal battles will likely prolong the political uncertainty, potentially destabilizing the nation further.

For South Koreans, the crisis underscores the fragility of democracy in a country still grappling with the shadows of its authoritarian past. While Yoon’s presidency hangs in the balance, the nation watches closely, wary of the implications for its democratic institutions and global standing.

For critics, including some former officials, the US call for an end to the war while supplying Israel with at least $3.8bn (£2.9bn) of arms per year, plus granting supplemental requests since 7 October, has amounted either to a failure to apply leverage or an outright contradiction. They argue the current expansion of the war in fact marks a demonstration, rather than a failure, of US diplomatic policy.

“To say [the administration] conducted diplomacy is true in the most superficial sense in that they conducted a lot of meetings. But they never made any reasonable effort to change behaviour of one of the main actors – Israel,” says former intelligence officer Harrison J. Mann, a career US Army Major who worked in the Middle East and Africa section of the Defense Intelligence Agency at the time of the October 7th attacks. Mr Mann resigned earlier this year in protest at US support for Israel’s assault in Gaza and the number of civilians being killed using American weapons.

Allies of Biden flat-out reject the criticism. They point, for example, to the fact that diplomacy with Egypt and Qatar mediating with Hamas resulted in last November’s truce which saw more than 100 hostages released in Gaza in exchange for around 300 Palestinian prisoners held by Israel. US officials also say the administration dissuaded the Israeli leadership from invading Lebanon much earlier in the Gaza conflict, despite cross border rocket fire between Hezbollah and Israel.

Senator Chris Coons, a Biden loyalist who sits on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and who travelled to Israel, Egypt and Saudi Arabia late last year, says it’s critical to weigh Biden’s diplomacy against the context of the last year.

“I think there’s responsibility on both sides for a refusal to close the distance, but we cannot ignore or forget that Hamas launched these attacks,” he says.

“He has been successful in preventing an escalation – despite repeated and aggressive provocation by the Houthis, by Hezbollah, by the Shia militias in Iraq – and has brought in a number of our regional partners,” he says.

Former Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert says Biden’s diplomacy has amounted to an unprecedented level of support, pointing to the huge US military deployment, including aircraft carrier strike groups and a nuclear power submarine, he ordered in the wake of October 7.

But he believes Biden has been unable to overcome the resistance of Netanyahu.

“Every time he came close to it, Netanyahu somehow found a reason not to comply, so the main reason for the failure of this diplomacy was the consistent opposition of Netanyahu,” says Olmert.

Olmert says a stumbling block for a ceasefire deal has been Netanyahu’s reliance on the “messianic” ultranationalists in his cabinet who prop up his government. They are agitating for an even stronger military response in Gaza and Lebanon. Two far-right ministers this summer threatened to withdraw support for Netanyahu’s government if he signed a ceasefire deal.

“Ending the war as part of an agreement for the release of hostages means a major threat to Netanyahu and he’s not prepared to accept it, so he’s violating it, he’s screwing it all the time,” he says.

The Israeli prime minister has repeatedly rejected claims he blocked the deal, insisting he was in favour of the American-backed plans and sought only “clarifications”, while Hamas continually changed its demands.

A Russian Tu-22M3 strategic nuclear bomber crashed in the Irkutsk region of Siberia. The aircraft, which took off from the Belaya airfield in the Usolsky district for a routine flight, went down near the entrance to the village of Mikhailovka in the Cheremkhovsky district. Remarkably, the four aircrew members managed to eject safely, and the plane crashed in an uninhabited area, preventing any ground damage or casualties. Emergency services responded swiftly, providing medical assistance to the crew, with no further threat to life reported.

The Russian Ministry of Defence has preliminarily attributed the crash to a technical malfunction, although unconfirmed reports suggest that one of the bomber’s engines may have caught fire mid-air. This incident draws attention to the ongoing operational status and historical significance of the Tu-22M3 fleet, a critical component of Russia’s strategic military assets.

The Tu-22M3, known by its NATO reporting name “Backfire,” has been a cornerstone of Soviet and Russian strategic aviation since its inception. The bomber’s lineage can be traced back to the original Tupolev Tu-22 “Blinder,” which first took to the skies on August 30, 1969. However, the “Blinder” was found to be operationally inadequate as a bomber, with poor handling qualities and limited visibility, prompting the need for a significant upgrade.

This led to the development of the Tu-22M series, with the Tu-22M3 being the most advanced variant. Introduced in 1983, the Tu-22M3 featured a range of improvements, including new NK-25 engines, a variable-sweep wing, and enhanced avionics. These upgrades significantly boosted the aircraft’s performance, allowing it to reach speeds of up to Mach 2.05 and increasing its operational range by one-third compared to its predecessors.

The Tu-22M3 is a supersonic, variable-sweep wing missile carrier designed for long-range strategic and maritime strike missions. With a maximum take-off weight of 126,000 kg, the aircraft can carry up to 24,000 kg of weapons on its wing and fuselage pylons, as well as in its internal weapons bay. The bomber’s arsenal includes a variety of missiles, such as the Raduga Kh-22 anti-ship missiles, Kh-32 missiles, and the hypersonic Kh-47M2 Kinzhal, among others.

The bomber’s navigation and attack systems have also seen continuous upgrades over the years. In 2007, work began on a new radar system, the NV-45, which was integrated into the aircraft by 2008. This was followed by a comprehensive mid-life upgrade program that began in 2014, resulting in the Tu-22M3M variant. The upgraded bomber boasts the NV-45M radar, new navigation equipment, and a modernized flight control system, alongside a new self-defense electronic radar suite. Deliveries of the Tu-22M3M began in 2022, ensuring that the bomber remains a formidable asset in Russia’s strategic arsenal.

The Tu-22M3 has been a key player in numerous military operations since its introduction. Its first major deployment occurred during the Soviet-Afghan War in the late 1980s, where it was used to conduct strike missions against Mujahideen forces. The bomber was also deployed during the First Chechen War in 1995, where it performed strikes near Grozny.

In more recent years, the Tu-22M3 has been actively involved in Russian military operations in Syria. Between 2016 and 2017, the bomber carried out a series of concentrated attacks around Palmyra, Al-Sukhnah, and Deir ez-Zor, helping to push back jihadist forces. The bomber’s capabilities were further demonstrated during the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, where it was used to launch strikes on key targets, including the Azovstal iron and steel works in Mariupol.

However, the Tu-22M3’s involvement in modern conflicts has also exposed its vulnerabilities. In August 2008, a Tu-22MR reconnaissance variant was shot down by Georgian air defenses during the Russo-Georgian War. More recently, in December 2022, Ukrainian forces launched a successful drone attack on the Dyagilevo airbase, damaging a Tu-22M3 bomber. In August 2023, Ukraine claimed responsibility for a drone attack on the Soltsy airbase, resulting in the destruction of one Tu-22M3 and the damage of two others.

As of 2024, the Russian Aerospace Forces operate approximately 57 Tu-22M3 bombers, according to the 2024 Military Balance report by the International Institute for Strategic Studies. However, Ukraine’s Main Directorate of Intelligence estimates that only 27 of these aircraft are in operable condition, highlighting the challenges faced by the Russian military in maintaining its aging bomber fleet.

The operational limitations of the Tu-22M3 have become increasingly apparent in recent years. The aircraft’s internal fuel capacity restricts its unfueled operational range, and although it is technically capable of aerial refueling, this capability was disabled under the terms of the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START). While Russia could theoretically reactivate this capability, doing so would require significant resources and a shift in strategic priorities.

The Russian government has also faced difficulties in modernizing its Tu-22M3 fleet. While the Tu-22M3M upgrade program has provided some enhancements, the bomber’s overall design remains over 55 years old. This has led to a gradual depletion of the fleet, with no clear replacement in sight.

The challenges faced by the Tu-22M3 are not unique. Strategic bombers around the world are grappling with similar issues as technological advancements render older designs increasingly obsolete. For example, the United States’ Rockwell B-1 Lancer, a contemporary of the Tu-22M3, saw its production run end in 1988, with only 104 units built. The B-1B’s nuclear capabilities were disabled in the early 1990s, and it has since been re-tasked for conventional bombing missions. As of 2021, the U.S. Air Force operates only 45 B-1Bs, with plans to retire the fleet by 2036.

Similarly, China is in the process of transitioning from its vintage H-6 bombers to the more advanced H-20 stealth bombers. This shift reflects a broader trend in strategic aviation, where stealth capabilities and long-range precision strike systems are becoming increasingly important.

In contrast, Russia has been slower to develop a next-generation bomber. The Tupolev PAK DA, a stealth strategic bomber currently in development, is expected to enter service within the next 8-10 years. Until then, the Tu-22M3 will continue to serve as a critical component of Russia’s strategic deterrence, despite its aging design and operational limitations.

The future of the Tu-22M3 fleet is uncertain. While the bomber remains a key asset for the Russian military, its age and the challenges of modernization present significant hurdles. The Russian government has invested in upgrading the existing fleet, but these efforts may only serve as a stopgap measure as newer technologies continue to evolve.

For countries like India, which has shown interest in acquiring strategic bombers in the past, the Tu-22M3 represents a potential option. However, the high cost of acquisition and maintenance, combined with the aircraft’s aging design, make it a less attractive choice compared to more modern alternatives. India’s strategic priorities are likely to focus on acquiring more squadrons of 4.5-generation fighters and developing indigenous stealth technologies before considering the purchase of a bomber fleet.

The crash of the Tu-22M3 in Siberia underscores the ongoing challenges faced by the Russian military in maintaining its aging strategic bomber fleet. While the aircraft has played a significant role in Russia’s military operations over the past four decades, its future remains uncertain. As global powers continue to develop more advanced and stealthy strategic bombers, the Tu-22M3 may soon find itself outmatched in the evolving landscape of modern warfare. Nonetheless, for the time being, it remains a critical component of Russia’s strategic deterrence, with its legacy and operational history cementing its place in military aviation history.

Significant flaws in the UK’s pandemic planning meant Covid caused more deaths and economic costs than it should have, the first report of the Covid Inquiry says.

The 217-page report called for radical reform of the systems in place, saying the UK government and devolved nations “failed their citizens”.

It said the UK planned for the wrong pandemic – a mild one where spread of a new virus was inevitable – and this led to the UK turning to the “untested” policy of lockdown.

The report said the UK approach was undermined by groupthink by scientists and too little challenge from ministers.

It is the first of at least nine reports covering everything from political decision-making to vaccines.