Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, who has been mediating between the warring sides, echoed Araghchi’s statement, saying “a final, agreed upon text of the peace deal has been reached and Pakistan is now working closely with both sides to finalize the next steps”.

India has taken a decisive step forward in its ambition to achieve self-reliance in advanced military aviation, with the Ministry of Defence (MoD) formally issuing the Request for Proposal (RFP) for the Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) programme—India’s most ambitious fifth-generation fighter jet initiative to date.

Defence officials confirmed on Wednesday that tenders have been released to three shortlisted private-sector contenders, marking a significant transition from concept development to competitive industrial execution. The move signals the government’s intent to accelerate indigenous capability building in high-end aerospace manufacturing under the broader Atmanirbhar Bharat framework.

The shortlisted bidders include Tata Advanced Systems Limited, which is participating independently; a consortium led by Larsen & Toubro in partnership with Bharat Electronics Limited; and a third joint bid combining Bharat Forge with BEML. These entities will compete to secure responsibility for prototype development and key integration roles in what is widely regarded as India’s most complex indigenous combat aircraft programme.

The RFP rollout follows the approval of the AMCA Programme Execution Model by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh last year. The model represents a structural shift in how India executes large-scale defence aerospace programmes, particularly those requiring deep technological integration and long-term industrial participation.

At the core of this framework is a deliberate effort to distribute development responsibility between public and private sector partners while ensuring competitive neutrality. Instead of relying solely on traditional public sector undertakings, the programme opens critical development pathways to private industry, reflecting a broader policy evolution in India’s defence procurement ecosystem.

The initiative is being spearheaded by the Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA)—a premier laboratory under the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO). The ADA is responsible for overall programme coordination, systems integration architecture, and oversight of design-to-production transition pathways. The DRDO’s long-standing experience in combat aircraft development provides the scientific backbone for the project, while industry partners are expected to bring scale, manufacturing agility, and supply chain depth.

Officials involved in the programme describe the AMCA as not just a single aircraft project, but a foundational step in creating an indigenous fifth-generation aerospace ecosystem. The competitive bidding structure is intended to cultivate multiple capable industrial clusters within India’s defence manufacturing landscape.

Each bidder brings distinct strengths to the table. Tata Advanced Systems Limited has developed a strong track record in aerospace manufacturing through global collaborations and component production for major aircraft platforms. The Larsen & Toubro–Bharat Electronics Limited consortium combines heavy engineering expertise with advanced defence electronics and radar systems integration capabilities. Meanwhile, the Bharat Forge–BEML partnership brings strengths in precision manufacturing, mobility systems, and large-scale industrial fabrication.

By enabling multiple industrial configurations to compete for leadership roles, the MoD aims to ensure redundancy, innovation pressure, and cost efficiency across the programme lifecycle. Officials also believe this approach will significantly reduce India’s dependence on foreign original equipment manufacturers for advanced combat aircraft technologies over time.

A major infrastructure component underpinning the AMCA programme is the Core Integration & Flight Testing Centre currently under construction in Puttaparthi, Andhra Pradesh. Estimated to cost around ₹2,000 crore, the facility is designed to serve as the nerve centre for assembly, systems integration, and flight validation of the aircraft.

On May 15, 2026, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu jointly laid the foundation stone for the facility. The event marked a symbolic and strategic milestone, underscoring the state’s emergence as a key node in India’s advanced aerospace manufacturing map.

Once operational, the centre will support end-to-end integration of avionics, stealth systems, propulsion interfaces, and flight control systems for the AMCA platform. It is also expected to play a critical role in future aerospace programmes beyond the fifth-generation fighter, including unmanned systems and next-generation combat aircraft concepts.

The government has sanctioned approximately ₹15,000 crore for the AMCA prototype development phase, reflecting the scale and complexity of the programme. Defence analysts note that this investment represents one of the largest allocations ever made by India for an indigenous combat aircraft development initiative.

The AMCA is envisioned as a twin-engine stealth multirole fighter designed exclusively for the Indian Air Force. Key design features include an internal weapons bay to reduce radar cross-section, advanced sensor fusion systems, and network-centric warfare capabilities enabling real-time data integration across multiple battlefield platforms.

Officials have described the aircraft as a “5.5-generation” platform, incorporating next-generation stealth shaping, artificial intelligence-enabled avionics, and adaptive mission systems that go beyond traditional fifth-generation fighter definitions.

At Aero India 2025, a full-scale model of the AMCA drew significant attention from defence delegations, aerospace experts, and international observers. The aircraft’s design emphasis on low observability and digital warfare integration was widely interpreted as a major leap in India’s combat aviation ambitions.

A notable feature of the AMCA programme is its heavy reliance on artificial intelligence and digital engineering. Engineers at ADA, working under the broader framework of the DRDO, are integrating AI-based systems into the aircraft’s digital backbone to enhance design optimisation, predictive maintenance capabilities, and mission adaptability.

This approach is expected to significantly reduce development cycles by enabling rapid simulation, testing, and iteration of complex aerodynamic and systems integration challenges. AI-enabled modelling is also expected to improve performance reliability and reduce lifecycle costs once the aircraft enters production and operational deployment.

The integration of advanced digital architecture positions the AMCA within a global trend where next-generation combat aircraft increasingly rely on software-defined systems rather than purely hardware-centric upgrades.

According to current programme timelines, the first AMCA prototypes are expected to roll out between late 2026 and early 2027. This will be followed by ground testing and progressive flight trials, with the maiden flight targeted for 2028.

If development proceeds as planned, serial production is anticipated to begin in the mid-2030s, with phased induction into the Indian Air Force thereafter. The timeline reflects the inherent complexity of developing a stealth-capable fifth-generation fighter from scratch, particularly within an emerging aerospace manufacturing ecosystem.

Officials caution that while the programme is progressing on schedule, sustained coordination between design agencies, manufacturing partners, and testing infrastructure will be critical to meeting long-term milestones.

The AMCA programme is increasingly being viewed as a defining test case for India’s evolving defence industrial policy. By combining state-led design authority with competitive private-sector manufacturing participation, the initiative represents a hybrid model that seeks to balance strategic control with industrial efficiency.

Defence experts argue that success in the AMCA programme could reshape India’s position in global aerospace manufacturing, potentially enabling it to transition from a major importer of advanced fighter aircraft to a producer of cutting-edge combat platforms.

It also reflects a broader geopolitical imperative: reducing reliance on foreign suppliers for critical defence technologies amid shifting global security dynamics.

With the issuance of the RFP and the entry of leading Indian industrial players into formal competition, the AMCA programme has entered its most decisive phase yet. Backed by strong institutional oversight from the Aeronautical Development Agency and the Defence Research and Development Organisation, and enabled by a policy framework approved by the Rajnath Singh, the project represents a landmark effort in indigenous defence capability building.

On Tuesday, Trump signalled the US may pursue both strategies at once. In a matter of hours, the Pentagon ordered ground troops to the region, and US negotiators sent the Iranian regime a new 15-point peace plan. By Wednesday, the White House was urging Iran to accept the deal while threatening to hit the country harder than ever if it didn’t, stoking further confusion about Trump’s intentions.

India and Germany are on the cusp of finalising one of New Delhi’s most consequential defence industrial agreements to date, with a proposed $8 billion (around ₹70,000 crore) pact for the construction of six next-generation conventional submarines for the Indian Navy. The agreement, expected to be sealed in the coming days, represents the culmination of the long-delayed Project-75 (India) or Project-75I programme, a cornerstone of India’s efforts to modernise its underwater warfare capabilities.

At the heart of the deal is a strategic partnership between German defence heavyweight ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems (TKMS) and India’s state-owned Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Limited (MDL). Under the arrangement, TKMS will provide the advanced submarine design, specialised consultancy, and critical technology transfer, while MDL will act as the primary construction partner, building all six submarines at its Mumbai facility.

The Indian Navy has formally selected the German Type 214NG (Next Generation) submarine, a 2,500-tonne platform widely regarded as one of the most capable diesel-electric attack submarines currently on offer in the global market. The German design prevailed over the competing S-80 Plus submarine proposed by Spanish shipbuilder Navantia after an exhaustive evaluation process spanning several years.

A decisive factor in the Navy’s choice was its uncompromising requirement for a sea-proven Air-Independent Propulsion (AIP) system. The Type 214NG employs a mature fuel-cell-based AIP technology that enables submarines to remain submerged for weeks without surfacing, drastically reducing the risk of detection. Conventional diesel-electric submarines, by contrast, typically need to surface or snorkel every few days to recharge their batteries, exposing them to enemy sensors.

While the Spanish S-80 Plus offered a bio-ethanol-based AIP system, Indian Navy evaluators reportedly viewed it as less operationally proven. The German fuel-cell AIP, already in service with several navies across Europe and Asia, was considered a lower-risk and more combat-ready solution, particularly given India’s demanding operational environment.

The groundwork for this mega-deal was laid in June last year when TKMS and MDL signed a Memorandum of Understanding to jointly pursue Project-75I. That agreement outlined a broad framework for collaboration, with a strong emphasis on technology transfer and indigenous manufacturing — two pillars of India’s defence procurement policy.

In line with the government’s flagship ‘Make in India’ initiative, all six submarines will be constructed domestically. Officials familiar with the project say the first boat will feature at least 45% indigenous content, a figure that will progressively rise to around 60% by the sixth and final submarine. This phased localisation strategy is intended not only to deliver advanced military platforms but also to nurture a sustainable domestic ecosystem for submarine design, construction, and life-cycle support.

Defence planners see Project-75I as a critical step toward reducing India’s long-standing dependence on foreign suppliers for complex underwater platforms. Over time, the skills and infrastructure developed through this programme are expected to feed into future indigenous submarine projects, including next-generation conventional and potentially nuclear-powered designs.

The timeline for final approval has reportedly been accelerated by high-level diplomatic engagement between New Delhi and Berlin. Sources indicate that the deal is likely to receive its final political clearance during the upcoming visit of German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, who is scheduled to be in India on January 12 and 13. His visit is expected to provide the necessary political impetus to sign the inter-governmental agreement, formally unlocking the contract.

For Germany, the agreement would mark one of its largest-ever defence exports to India and a significant expansion of its strategic footprint in the Indo-Pacific region. Berlin has been increasingly vocal about its interest in contributing to stability and security in the region, amid growing concerns over maritime competition and freedom of navigation.

For India, the stakes are even higher. The Indian Navy currently operates an ageing fleet of conventional submarines, including Russian-origin Kilo-class boats and German-designed Type 209 submarines, many of which are approaching the end of their operational lives. Delays in Project-75I have long raised concerns within naval circles about a looming capability gap.

This concern is sharpened by China’s rapid naval expansion. Beijing has steadily increased its presence in the Indian Ocean Region, deploying modern AIP-equipped conventional submarines and nuclear-powered attack and ballistic missile submarines. Analysts say this trend has significantly altered the undersea balance in Asia, underscoring the urgency of India’s submarine modernisation plans.

Once inducted, the Type 214NG submarines are expected to significantly enhance India’s ability to conduct extended patrols, intelligence gathering, and sea-denial missions across vast stretches of the Indian Ocean. Their advanced stealth, endurance, and sensor suites will bolster India’s underwater deterrence posture at a time of intensifying strategic competition.

If concluded as expected, the India–Germany submarine pact will not only address a critical operational requirement but also stand as a landmark in India’s evolving defence industrial strategy — blending foreign technology, domestic manufacturing, and strategic partnerships to meet long-term security challenges.

According to local reports, heavy shelling and assaults late last week in El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur state, killed at least six civilians and injured scores more, triggering fresh displacement from the already besieged city.

Sudan has been embroiled in a brutal civil war between rival militaries – the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and affiliated militias. Thousands of civilians have been killed, villages and farmlands destroyed, and nearly 12 million people driven from their homes – over four million as refugees into neighbouring countries.

The country also risks becoming the world’s largest hunger crisis in recent history as infrastructure, trade routes and supply chains lie in ruins. Famine has already been confirmed in the Zamzam camp – which once sheltered hundreds of thousands of civilians – and many more areas are at risk.

Essential services collapsing

Humanitarians warn that essential services are breaking down. Water trucking to the only functioning hospital was suspended over the weekend and community kitchens shut down after running out of food.

Without urgent support, they warn that the most vulnerable people could face severe hunger within days.

Across Darfur, hospitals remain under immense strain.

Nearly 100 wounded people, including women and children, were admitted to medical facilities in a single day last week, with several pronounced dead on arrival, according to reports from the medical charity Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF – Doctors Without Borders).

Survivors who managed to escape El Fasher described “unbearable” conditions in the city, which has endured more than a year of siege by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and allied groups.

Rising civilian toll

Drone strikes on 10 September hit multiple locations across Darfur, injuring scores.

A strike landed just four kilometres (about 2.5 miles) from an MSF-supported hospital in Central Darfur, forcing staff to activate a mass casualty plan. The following day, two more strikes struck Nyala in South Darfur, reportedly killing at least four people, including a child.

The fighting is not confined to Darfur. In Khartoum, RSF airstrikes on 9 September damaged a power station, causing a blackout in parts of the capital and disrupting critical hospital equipment and services.

Disasters add to misery

Meanwhile, Sudan is grappling with natural disasters on top of conflict.

A landslide triggered by heavy rains on 31 August in Sharg Aj Jabal, near the Central and South Darfur border, killed an estimated 400 people, half of them children, according to local reports.  

Furthermore, over 4,000 people were displaced and 550 homes destroyed in Aj Jazirah state in flash floods last week.

Call to action

The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) stressed that civilians remain at the epicentre of the violence.

“[We] once again call for an immediate cessation of hostilities, protection of civilians, safe and unimpeded humanitarian access, and increased international support to sustain life-saving operations across Sudan,” the Office said.

In Khartoum, OCHA reported some improvements in restoring basic services and security. Yet more than 800,000 people who have returned to the capital in recent months still urgently need assistance to rebuild their lives.

Political efforts

On the political front, the Secretary-General’s Personal Envoy for Sudan, Ramtane Lamamra, is currently in Port Sudan after concluding consultations in Nairobi.

According to UN Spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric, Mr. Lamamra has held “very constructive engagements” with Sudanese stakeholders across the spectrum as well as key international interlocutors.

“These discussions will help lay the groundwork necessary to support an inclusive process that can deliver a sustainable solution that preserves Sudan’s sovereignty, its unity and its territorial integrity,” Mr. Dujarric said.

He added that the UN also looks forward to working closely with regional partners, including the African Union, the east African regional bloc Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), and the League of Arab States, to restart efforts toward an intra-Sudanese dialogue.

When Donald Trump returned to the White House in January 2025, few doubted he would double down on his trademark trade wars. What few predicted was that his sweeping tariffs would reshape the geopolitics of the world’s largest emerging economies, inadvertently breathing new life into a bloc that had long struggled to define itself: BRICS.

The group—originally Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa—has grown to include new members like Egypt, Iran, the United Arab Emirates, and Ethiopia. Long seen as more symbolic than strategic, BRICS had been plagued by internal divisions, diverging interests, and uneven development paths.

But Trump’s tariff barrage has changed the equation. By imposing some of the steepest penalties on BRICS members—far higher than those levied against traditional U.S. allies—the U.S. president has given the loose coalition something it rarely had before: a common grievance.

Trump’s tariff agenda is sweeping. China, his favorite target, faces the most punishing blow: up to 145% tariffs if no deal is reached. Brazil and India have each been hit with 50% duties, with India’s rate partly linked to its continued imports of discounted Russian oil. South Africa faces a 30% levy, while Egypt and other newer BRICS members are bracing for hikes of their own.

Trump justifies the measures as part of his pledge to punish “anti-American policies.” In stump speeches and tweets, he has branded BRICS as a “dead project” and dismissed its ambitions as little more than “China’s power grab.” Yet the numbers tell a different story.

Ajay Srivastava, a former Indian trade official, sees the tariffs as counterproductive. “These penalties don’t intimidate BRICS,” he told DW. “They create a shared incentive to reduce reliance on the U.S., even if agendas differ. In many ways, Washington is doing BRICS’ job for them.”

The most immediate response to Trump’s tariffs has been financial. BRICS nations, already wary of dollar dependency after years of U.S. sanctions on Russia and Iran, have accelerated moves to trade in local currencies. Central banks from Moscow to Pretoria have stepped up gold purchases, signaling intent to diversify reserves.

Russia and China lead the charge. Over 90% of bilateral trade between the two now takes place in yuan and rubles. Brazil and China are piloting yuan-based settlement systems. Even India—traditionally cautious about de-dollarization—is exploring rupee-based mechanisms with Russia and China.

“Trump says BRICS is dead,” noted Max Boot, a foreign policy analyst at the Council on Foreign Relations, in a recent Washington Post op-ed. “But by pushing allies and rivals alike into the same corner, he is committing strategic malpractice. He is diminishing U.S. power by perversely uniting countries that have little in common besides opposition to Washington’s heavy hand.”

These dynamics will be on display at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Tianjin, northern China, where leaders from BRICS and beyond are gathering this week. President Xi Jinping will host Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin—the first time the three will meet in this format since 2019.

The Kremlin has lobbied hard for trilateral talks among China, India, and Russia. The aim is not only to bolster BRICS’ credibility but also to bridge long-standing rifts, particularly between New Delhi and Beijing. “We want to strengthen the core of BRICS,” a Russian diplomat told Izvestia. “That means putting aside old disputes and showing unity in the face of U.S. pressure.”

For India, Trump’s tariffs are a game-changer. New Delhi has reopened direct flights with China, eased visa restrictions, and expanded trade discussions. During Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s recent visit to Delhi, Beijing pledged to boost rare earth supplies—minerals India desperately needs for its green energy transition and defense industry.

This outreach is striking given that India and China nearly went to war in 2020 over their disputed Himalayan border.

Skepticism remains. India distrusts Beijing’s strategic ambitions, not least its deep ties with Pakistan and its massive infrastructure projects across Asia. Shilan Shah, an economist at Capital Economics, argues that India is unlikely to fully embrace China. “Cheap Chinese imports are already undermining India’s efforts to build domestic industry,” Shah noted. “That creates political headaches for Modi, who must balance anti-China sentiment at home with pragmatic cooperation abroad.”

India’s reliance on the U.S. market complicates matters further. In 2024, India exported $77.5 billion to the U.S.—nearly three times its trade with China. Washington is also a crucial technology partner for India’s IT and defense sectors.

Still, Trump’s tariffs make cooperation with BRICS attractive, at least on specific issues like currency settlement, gold purchases, and energy supplies. As Srivastava put it, “BRICS isn’t about perfect unity—it’s about pragmatic deals that chip away at U.S. leverage.”

Brazil, meanwhile, is strengthening ties with China, which already absorbs 26% of Brazilian exports—twice the share of the U.S. In a recent phone call, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Xi Jinping pledged to deepen agricultural trade and cooperate on renewable energy.

For Lula, BRICS offers a platform to assert independence from Washington without fully alienating it. Brazil continues to rely on U.S. financial markets, but Trump’s tariffs have pushed Brasília to hedge its bets.

South Africa, too, shows little inclination to bow to U.S. pressure. Sanusha Naidu, a senior researcher at the Institute for Global Dialogue, says Pretoria views BRICS as central to its long-term strategy. “South Africa isn’t going to reverse its BRICS commitments,” Naidu explained. “It sees value in global governance reform, academic exchanges, and building south-south cooperation. Tariffs won’t change that.”

Yet beneath the new momentum lie contradictions. BRICS has expanded to 10 members, but the larger it grows, the harder it is to reconcile diverging national interests. Saudi Arabia’s hesitation to formalize membership reflects these tensions.

Critics warn that BRICS is becoming more authoritarian as it expands. The original mission—creating a voice for emerging economies in global governance—now risks being overshadowed by an anti-Western posture driven by Moscow and Beijing.

Even so, trade within BRICS is rising. Research by Boston Consulting Group shows intra-BRICS trade growing faster than BRICS-G7 trade, though hydrocarbons dominate. Ironically, the bloc imposes more barriers on each other than Western countries do among themselves. Still, momentum is shifting.

Signs of deeper cooperation include rollback of anti-dumping duties, proposals for a BRICS-wide free trade agreement, and coordinated calls for reform of the World Trade Organization.

Mihaela Papa of Tufts University predicts greater political backing for intra-BRICS trade campaigns. “We can expect ‘Buy BRICS’ initiatives, new projects like the BRICS grain exchange, and expanded local currency settlement mechanisms,” she said.

A Russian-backed idea of a single BRICS currency remains shelved, but alternative systems are proliferating. As Srivastava puts it: “The dollar will remain dominant, but yuan, rupee, and ruble settlement systems will steadily chip away at its monopoly. Trump’s tariffs accelerate this process.”

The question looming over Tianjin is whether Trump has forged, however inadvertently, a tighter alliance among America’s biggest rivals.

What was once a fractured coalition of states—often more at odds with each other than with Washington—now finds itself united by necessity. The tariffs may not resolve Sino-Indian border disputes or erase ideological rifts, but they have created incentives for cooperation that did not exist before.

That’s why analysts like Boot argue that Trump is undermining U.S. strategy. “The genius of U.S. foreign policy since World War II has been to prevent hostile powers from coalescing,” he wrote. “By punishing countries that were once friendly or neutral, Trump is reversing that logic. He is driving them together.”

Trump promised his second term would be about “America First.” But in targeting BRICS with some of the highest tariffs in modern history, he may be writing a different story: one of America’s rivals finding common cause.

For now, BRICS remains messy, contradictory, and divided. But thanks to Trump’s heavy hand, it is also more energized than at any point in the past decade.

The bloc may not be poised to replace the U.S.-led order, but it no longer looks dead. Instead, it looks like a work in progress—one accelerated not by Beijing, Moscow, or Brasília, but by Washington.

And as leaders gather in Tianjin, the irony is impossible to miss: Donald Trump, self-styled enemy of BRICS, may yet prove to be its unlikely benefactor.

In a statement released on 19 July, MONUSCO said that the Declaration of Principles, signed in Doha under the mediation of Qatar, “reflects the parties’ resolve to prioritise peaceful means, establish a ceasefire, and set up a joint mechanism to define its practical implementation.”

“This important declaration marks a shift towards easing tensions and protecting civilians seriously affected by the conflict,” declared Mr. Bruno Lemarquis, Deputy Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General in the DRC and Acting Head of MONUSCO. “We commend the commitments made and call for their timely and good-faith implementation.”

These commitments include measures to facilitate the voluntary, safe, and dignified return of internally displaced persons and refugees to their places or countries of origin, and the encouragement of inclusive dialogue, seen as vital to addressing the root causes of the conflict and achieving lasting peace.

Earlier this year, the M23 launched an offensive in North and South Kivu provinces, capturing cities and villages, including provincial capitals Goma and Bukavu. Thousands of civilians were killed, hundreds of thousands more were displaced, and serious human rights violations were committed.

The Declaration of Principles comes less than a month after a peace agreement signed by Congo and Rwanda, long accused by the Congolese Government of supporting the M23.

The Mission’s statement highlighted the Declaration’s emphasis on civilian protection and support for the ceasefire, with assistance from MONUSCO and other partners, and reaffirmed its readiness to support the cessation of hostilities, particularly through the establishment of a credible and jointly agreed verification mechanism.

MONUSCO’s statement concluded by urging all parties to honour their commitments, act in good faith throughout the process, and prioritise human rights, security, and the aspirations of the Congolese people in all decisions. 

JEDDAH: As McLaren’s Oscar Piastri lifted the winner’s trophy on Sunday night, the Saudi Arabia Grand Prix marked a milestone that goes far beyond the checkered flag.

With its fifth edition concluded, Jeddah is now not just another Grand Prix for racing fans; it is the world’s fastest and second-longest street circuit in Formula 1 history.

In just five years, the Kingdom has turned its coastal circuit into one of the most talked-about stops on the Formula 1 calendar.                                                                

This anniversary is not just a celebration of fast cars and thrilling races, but also a testament to the Kingdom’s pursuit of global sports recognition.

As the roar of engines faded into silence and the grandstands emptied, the importance of this race in the Kingdom’s sporting history is just beginning to sink in.

Few know the backstory and how a series of off-track moves, quiet negotiations, and long-term ambitions brought the sport onto Saudi Arabia’s soil.

Before the first engine revved up in 2021, the wheels had already been set in motion.

Secret push behind the Grand Prix

Long before the first roar of Formula 1 cars echoed along Jeddah’s Red Sea coast, the idea of bringing the world’s fastest sport to Saudi Arabia was quietly gaining traction in various boardrooms in Riyadh.

It was not just about motorsport, it was a calculated move tied to Vision 2030: to diversify the Kingdom’s economy, elevate its global image, and position Saudi Arabia as a serious player in international sports.

The deal was not public at first. Whispers began to be heard in early 2018, shortly after Saudi Arabia secured rights to host the all-electric Formula E in Diriyah.

That event was seen as a trial, a soft launch into global motorsport. Behind the scenes, the Saudi Automobile and Motorcycle Federation and the Ministry of Sport began mapping a larger ambition: securing Formula 1.

The official announcement came in November 2020, during the COVID-19 pandemic, a bold move that stunned even some insiders in the racing world.

Critics questioned the timing, but for the Kingdom, this was the perfect moment.

Strategic move to choose Jeddah

The decision to host the race in Jeddah — and not the capital — raised eyebrows. But the logic was simple. Jeddah, a historical port, was undergoing a visual transformation.

Placing the circuit along the Corniche, with the glinting Red Sea as a backdrop, created a visual spectacle few other Formula 1 circuits could match.

But there was more at play. Jeddah is Saudi Arabia’s beating commercial heart, a cosmopolitan city and symbol of the new Saudi Arabia identity.

The Kingdom was not just launching a race, it was rebranding itself to the world, and Jeddah became the face of that campaign.

And then came the design: the fastest street circuit in Formula 1 history.

Designed by Carsten Tilke, son of renowned circuit designer Hermann Tilke, Jeddah featured 27 turns and blisteringly high-speed straights, challenging drivers in ways no other urban race ever had.

5 years of speed, stats, surprises, standout moments

Since its debut in December 2021, the Saudi Arabian Grand Prix has carved out its own identity.

Fastest street race: It is one of the quickest on the calendar, with cars averaging over 250 kph. In 2021, Lewis Hamilton clocked the fastest average qualifying lap on the circuit.

Second-longest: At  6,174 km, it is one of the longest circuits in the world.

Most turns at 27: Most Grand Prix tracks have 14 to 20, but Jeddah has 27 corners, with sweeping bends and blind apexes, making it technically demanding.

Built in under eight months: It was designed and constructed in less than a year, an incredible feat for a Grade 1 FIA-approved circuit. Over 30,000 tons of asphalt, 600,000 work hours, and thousands of workers were involved.

Historic debuts: The 2021 race was the first Grand Prix in Saudi Arabia, marking the Kingdom as the 34th country to host a Formula 1 contest.

Dramatic finishes: From the Max Verstappen-Hamilton showdown in 2021 to chaotic safety-car dramas and nail-biting late-race restarts, Jeddah’s circuit never delivered a dull contest.

Global spotlight: Over 140,000 fans attended the race weekend in 2023, with millions more watching worldwide.

But perhaps the most surprising statistic is that it has become one of the top-five most-watched races globally, according to F1 media tracking.

Looking ahead, the futuristic Qiddiya circuit is on the horizon. The new entertainment and tourism city is set to become home to one of the most advanced motorsport facilities in the region.

It is a project promising to blend adrenaline, innovation, and entertainment in a way the sport has never seen before.

GURUGRAM, INDIA: Ollie Schniederjans completed a remarkable comeback victory at International Series India presented by DLF, in front of a packed audience at the DLF Golf and Country Club in Gurugram, just outside Delhi.

The American, lifted by an outrageous chip in for birdie on 13, fired a three-under-par 69 for a four-round aggregate of 10-under.

It gave him a surprise four-shot victory over reigning US Open Champion Bryson DeChambeau, his nearest challenger — in the opening event of the year on the International Series that brought crowds flocking to Gurugram.

The two-time major winner pulled out all the stops with a seven-under par round of 65, but it was not enough to cancel out an eight-shot gap that Schniederjans had built up over him going into the final round, and he finished on six under for the week.

Abraham Ancer of Fireballs GC finished joint third on two under after a level-par final round, alongside reigning International Series Rankings Champion Joaquin Niemann, with only four players finishing under par on the testing Gary Player-designed course.

“It means a lot to me,” said the 31-year-old Schniederjans, ably supported by his brother Ben as caddie this week. “This golf course is very challenging, and back in the day I would have had a hard time out here, so to come out and shoot those scores now, with everything I have been through, my game is a lot better than it ever was. This was proof this week.”

The third round had to be completed this morning, and Schniederjans got off to a great start as he carved out a three-shot lead on seven under.

The field had nine holes to finish after a first shotgun start on Saturday afternoon, and the American birdied his first three holes — 10, 11 and 12 — en route to a 69. He had a five-shot lead at the turn from Kazuki Higa and DeChambeau. That lead became six when he sensationally chipped in for a three on the par-four 13th from a difficult lie to the right of green, where it looked like a bogey would be more likely.

Japan’s Higa (72) had started the final round in second place on four under, but ultimately fell away to T5 on level par after a four-over final round of 76.

The backlog was the result of long delays every day caused by thick fog each morning. In order to complete 72 holes, the organisers switched to shotgun starts for rounds three and four, with players staying in the same pairings.

They started round four immediately after completion of round three and Schniederjans did not let up in pursuit of a morale-boosting victory, with Australian Greg Norman walking the course and watching intently.

And despite a bogey on 17, the American safely made par on 18 to see things out, narrowly missing out on a birdie chip in from the fringe of the green.

Schniederjans’ win is a remarkable one. He had replacement surgery on both hips in 2022 and was out of the game for well over a year.

It was his final attempt to fix a whole host of injury issues which had derailed the career of a player who was ranked the world’s top amateur in 2014 for 41 consecutive weeks. He also won on the Korn Ferry Tour in 2016, the year after turning professional.

Schniederjans was playing this week by virtue of finishing fourth at last year’s LIV Golf Promotions event, with the top-10 players earning playing rights for The International Series.

He just missed out on winning the event in Saudi, which brings a passage onto the LIV Golf League, but having triumphed today he has made the ideal start to The International Series Rankings race, with the champion also earning a berth on the roster.

Speaking out about his long journey back to victory, he said: “It was a long process, it took a lot of patience. I did a lot to change my body and swing, and had to learn a lot through that process.

“There were setbacks that took me years to get to this point. This year has been good, I have been able to be on the course all year for a year now. I’ve been able to put everything together, and I knew something like this was coming.”

Sebastian Munoz of Colombia, Spain’s Eugenio Chacarra and Higa finished T5 on level par, ahead of Australian Kevin Yuan and Chase Koepka in eighth place on one over.

The next event on the Asian Tour is the New Zealand Open from Feb. 27 — March 2, which will be followed by the International Series Macau (March 20-23), the second elevated event of 10 that offers a pathway onto the LIV Golf League.

The next day, at around 19:30 local time, 10 million Israelis were sent running for bomb shelters across the country after Iran launched nearly 200 ballistic missiles at Israel.

The nation’s air defence system sprang into action – and allies including the US and UK were involved in repelling the attack – another sign of the broadening scope of the conflict.

The IDF said most of the missiles were intercepted, but that a small number struck central and southern Israel. The only person reported to have been killed was a Palestinian man in the occupied West Bank.

With its biggest proxy group in disarray, Tehran calculated that to restore some semblance of deterrence it needed to do something more dramatic than its last well-telegraphed missile and drone attack on Israel in April.

Hence the larger number of ballistic missiles and the lack of advance notice.

But while the attack was more than purely demonstrative, it did not appear to signal Iran’s desire for an all-out fight.

That’s hardly surprising. If it came to a full-on war, Iran knows that it would lose, and badly.

It could even herald the end of the Islamic Republic.

Israel, with powerful western allies – and a smattering of Middle Eastern neighbours willing to help shoot down Iranian missiles – is a regional superpower.

Iran, economically fragile and led by an unpopular government, is no match. Nor does it have the sort of allies that would be willing to spring to its defence in the event of a confrontation.

The supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, made suitably defiant noises at Friday prayers in Tehran, but Iran knows it cannot afford to escalate much further.