India has taken a significant step forward in its hypersonic weapons development programme following a record-breaking scramjet combustor test conducted by the Defence Research and Development Organisation’s (Defence Research and Development Organisation) Hyderabad-based laboratory. The milestone strengthens India’s position among a small group of nations pursuing operational hypersonic strike capabilities and underscores rapid progress in indigenous high-speed propulsion technologies.

On May 9, 2026, the Defence Research and Development Laboratory (Defence Research and Development Laboratory), a key arm of DRDO, successfully completed the second long-duration ground test of an actively cooled full-scale scramjet combustor at its Scramjet Connect Pipe Test (SCPT) facility. According to DRDO’s announcement on social media platform X, the combustor sustained stable operation for over 1,200 seconds—approximately 20 minutes—marking a major improvement over earlier trials.

“This is a major advancement towards the Hypersonic Missile Programme,” the organisation stated, emphasizing that the test validates both combustor design maturity and facility readiness for future flight-worthy systems.

The latest achievement builds upon a series of progressive milestones. In January 2026, DRDL had demonstrated a runtime exceeding 700 seconds in a similar configuration. Prior to that, in April 2025, a subscale actively cooled scramjet combustor was successfully tested for over 1,000 seconds at the same facility. The consistent extension of sustained combustion time reflects steady engineering refinement in one of the most complex propulsion regimes in aerospace science.

Scramjet technology is central to hypersonic cruise missile development. A scramjet, or supersonic combustion ramjet, is a type of air-breathing engine that operates efficiently at speeds exceeding Mach 5, a threshold known as hypersonic velocity in the field of Hypersonic flight.

Unlike conventional ramjets, where air slows to subsonic speeds before combustion, scramjets maintain supersonic airflow throughout the engine. This allows sustained combustion at extreme velocities, enabling continuous atmospheric flight without onboard oxidiser. However, this advantage comes with extraordinary engineering challenges, including thermal loads that can exceed 2,000–3,000°C inside the combustor.

At such conditions, conventional propulsion materials would rapidly fail. The DRDO programme therefore relies heavily on active cooling systems and advanced materials engineering to ensure structural integrity during operation.

A critical feature of the tested system is its actively cooled combustor architecture. In this design, coolant—often the fuel itself—is circulated through internal channels in the combustor walls, absorbing extreme heat before being injected for combustion. This dual-use approach improves thermal management while enhancing combustion efficiency.

The combustor uses an indigenously developed liquid hydrocarbon endothermic fuel, jointly developed by DRDO and Indian industry partners. This fuel undergoes chemical reactions at elevated temperatures, absorbing heat in the process and thereby reducing thermal stress on engine components.

According to defence officials, this innovation simultaneously improves ignition characteristics and enhances system stability, addressing one of the most persistent challenges in scramjet development: achieving reliable ignition in supersonic airflow. Engineers often describe the process as “lighting a match in a hurricane,” given the extreme velocity of incoming air, which can exceed 1.5 kilometres per second inside the engine.

Another key advancement supporting the programme is the development of high-performance thermal barrier coatings (TBCs). These ceramic-based coatings, developed through collaboration between DRDO laboratories and the Department of Science and Technology (Department of Science and Technology), are designed to withstand temperatures beyond the melting point of steel.

These coatings are critical for protecting engine structures during prolonged hypersonic operation, where sustained aerodynamic heating poses one of the most severe engineering constraints in aerospace propulsion.

Together, advances in active cooling, fuel chemistry, and thermal protection have enabled the recent 1,200-second combustor test—one of the longest recorded durations for a full-scale scramjet combustor globally in ground conditions.

India’s hypersonic weapons programme is part of a broader strategic effort to develop next-generation strike systems capable of penetrating advanced air defence networks. Hypersonic weapons combine extreme speed, low-altitude flight profiles, and high manoeuvrability, making them significantly harder to detect and intercept compared to conventional ballistic or cruise missiles.

At present, only a limited number of countries, including Russia and China, are widely believed to have deployed operational hypersonic weapons. The United States continues to develop multiple systems but has not yet fielded a fully operational hypersonic missile. Meanwhile, countries such as Iran and North Korea are also assessed to be pursuing related technologies under varying degrees of development.

For India, which has historically relied on imported defence systems, the successful maturation of scramjet technology represents a major step toward strategic self-reliance in advanced missile propulsion.
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Military analysts suggest that indigenous hypersonic capability could significantly enhance India’s strategic deterrence posture. High-speed, low-altitude cruise missiles are capable of compressing enemy response times and challenging even advanced layered air defence systems.

During past regional conflicts, Pakistan’s surface-to-air missile systems—including HQ-9 and HQ-16 variants—have been assessed as vulnerable to advanced Indian missile strikes. The integration of hypersonic systems could further widen this capability gap, although operational deployment remains years away.

India’s defence planners view hypersonic systems as critical for future conflict environments where rapid precision strike capability is essential against time-sensitive and heavily defended targets such as radar installations, command centres, and naval formations.

Despite recent progress, hypersonic flight remains one of the most technically demanding domains in aerospace engineering. At Mach 5 and above, atmospheric friction generates extreme thermal loads and ionisation effects. These conditions can produce a plasma sheath around the vehicle, potentially disrupting communication and guidance signals.

Structural integrity, thermal management, propulsion stability, and guidance under plasma interference remain key unresolved challenges. Maintaining stable combustion in a scramjet combustor under such conditions is particularly difficult due to the extremely short residence time of airflow within the engine.

India’s hypersonic roadmap includes both scramjet-powered cruise missiles and boost-glide vehicles. The foundational platform for these efforts is the Hypersonic Technology Demonstrator Vehicle (HSTDV), which has previously demonstrated short-duration scramjet operation and validated key design principles for sustained hypersonic flight.

Building on this, several advanced missile programmes are under development. These include the BrahMos II hypersonic cruise missile, the Extended Trajectory Long Duration Hypersonic Cruise Missile (ET-LDHCM), the Long Range Anti-Shipping Missile (LR-AShM), and the Dhvani Hypersonic Glide Vehicle.

The BrahMos II programme, developed in collaboration with Russia, is envisioned as a Mach 7–8 class missile with a range of approximately 1,500 kilometres. However, reports suggest its development has faced delays due to technical complexity and challenges in technology transfer.

The ET-LDHCM programme, part of India’s indigenous Project Vishnu, is expected to achieve speeds of Mach 8–10 with deep-strike capability against high-value strategic targets. It is designed for multi-platform launch compatibility, including land, air, and naval systems.

The LR-AShM system is intended to provide naval and coastal defence forces with long-range anti-ship capability, using quasi-ballistic and manoeuvring trajectories to complicate interception.

Meanwhile, the Dhvani Hypersonic Glide Vehicle represents India’s entry into boost-glide technology. Launched by a booster to altitudes of 40–100 kilometres, it is expected to glide at hypersonic speeds while performing evasive manoeuvres during descent, making interception extremely difficult.

The successful 1,200-second scramjet combustor test marks a pivotal moment in India’s long-term effort to develop operational hypersonic systems. While significant engineering challenges remain before flight-ready weapons are deployed, the sustained progress in propulsion, thermal management, and materials science suggests steady convergence toward that goal.

Amid escalating political tensions with the Trump administration — including annexation rhetoric, tariff threats, and a sweeping review of defence cooperation — Canada appears to be quietly moving forward with its acquisition of additional F-35A Lightning II stealth fighters.

In March 2025, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney placed Ottawa’s planned purchase of 88 F-35 jets under formal review. The move came as relations between Canada and the United States deteriorated sharply over trade disputes and repeated remarks by US President Donald Trump questioning Canada’s sovereignty.

At the time, the review was presented as a reassessment of Canada’s long-term defence procurement strategy in light of shifting geopolitical and economic conditions. The Royal Canadian Air Force (RCAF) had already committed to 16 aircraft, with those jets fully paid for and scheduled for delivery by the end of 2026. The remaining 72 aircraft were placed under scrutiny.

However, nearly a year later, the review remains incomplete — and recent developments suggest Ottawa may be quietly ensuring that its place in the global F-35 production queue remains secure.

According to a recent report by CBC News citing informed sources, Canada has begun making payments for key components for 14 additional F-35s. These payments are separate from the contract covering the initial batch of 16 aircraft.

The expenditures reportedly involve so-called “long-lead items” — critical components such as structural assemblies, fuselage sections, avionics systems, and other specialized parts that must be ordered years in advance due to the complexity of the F-35’s global production process.

Manufactured by Lockheed Martin, the F-35 program operates through a vast international supply chain. Production slots are allocated years ahead of final assembly, and countries must commit to purchasing essential components well before receiving fully assembled aircraft. Failing to secure these parts early can mean losing priority in the production queue.

While the Department of National Defence declined to confirm specifics about these additional payments, it reiterated that the broader review of the program is ongoing.

Observers note that making advance payments for critical components strongly suggests Ottawa is keeping its options open — and potentially positioning itself to proceed with the full acquisition once political tensions ease.

Further fueling speculation, Lt.-Gen. Jamie Speiser-Blanchet, commander of the RCAF, recently traveled to Lockheed Martin’s production facility in Fort Worth, Texas. There, she signed the fuselage bulkhead of the first Canadian F-35 — a ceremonial but symbolically significant milestone.

Later this year, Canadian pilots are expected to begin training on the F-35 at Luke Air Force Base in Arizona, flying in a mixed squadron alongside US Air Force counterparts. This integration underscores the deep interoperability requirements that underpin North American continental defence planning.

Taken together, these developments suggest that while the review remains technically unresolved, the machinery of procurement and integration continues to move forward.

The original review was launched amid rising tensions with Washington. President Trump has imposed tariffs on key Canadian exports and floated aggressive trade measures, including threats to decertify Bombardier Global Express business jets and levy 50% tariffs on “all aircraft made in Canada” unless US-made aircraft receive reciprocal certification.

Earlier this week, Trump also threatened to block the opening of the Gordie Howe International Bridge — a $4 billion infrastructure project fully funded by Canada — connecting Detroit, Michigan, and Windsor, Ontario.

Against this backdrop, some analysts believe the F-35 review may have been intended as leverage.

An Indian Air Force (IAF) expert, speaking anonymously, suggested that Prime Minister Carney may be using the fighter acquisition as a negotiating chip in broader trade and sovereignty disputes. Cancelling the F-35 outright would represent a severe blow to bilateral relations — one that neither Ottawa nor Washington may ultimately want.

At the same time, pressure from US officials has been unmistakable.

Last month, US Ambassador to Canada Pete Hoekstra warned of “significant consequences” for the continental defence alliance if Canada fails to complete its F-35 purchase. He specifically referenced the future of North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD), the joint US-Canada command responsible for aerospace warning and control.

“If Canada is no longer going to provide that capability, then we have to fill those gaps,” Hoekstra said, suggesting the US might be forced to purchase additional aircraft for the US Air Force and increase patrols in Canadian airspace.

Such remarks have been widely interpreted as strategic pressure designed to reinforce the importance of interoperability and shared defence responsibilities.

Some defence analysts argue that Canada may have already crossed the “point of no return.” Once long-lead items are purchased and industrial commitments deepened, backing out becomes both financially and diplomatically costly.

Justin Massie, a political scientist and defence specialist at Université du Québec à Montréal, described the expenditures as “expected,” noting that the government has not officially changed its F-35 policy. However, he acknowledged that the ongoing review places the Carney administration in a politically delicate position — caught between logistical realities and a tense political relationship with Washington.

Others contend that Ottawa is simply being prudent. Given the lengthy timelines associated with fighter aircraft production, continuing preparatory spending allows Canada to preserve flexibility without making a final political commitment.

The uncertainty has also kept alive hopes for Sweden’s Saab, which has offered Canada 72 Saab JAS 39 Gripen E fighters as part of a competing proposal.

Saab officials recently indicated at the Singapore Air Show that they anticipated the RCAF might operate a mixed fleet of F-35s and Gripens — combining fifth-generation stealth capabilities with a lower-cost, highly maintainable fourth-plus-generation platform.

However, such a mixed fleet would introduce significant logistical and financial complexities. Operating two distinct fighter ecosystems would require separate training pipelines, maintenance infrastructure, supply chains, and software support systems — increasing long-term costs.

Moreover, Canada’s Department of National Defence previously conducted a formal evaluation of both aircraft. According to data obtained by Radio-Canada, the F-35 received a 95% rating for military capabilities, while the Gripen E scored 33%, earning 19.8 points out of a possible 60 in certain key categories.

Those results significantly strengthened the F-35’s standing within Canada’s defence establishment.

Beyond politics and procurement mechanics lies a deeper strategic calculus.

Canada’s aging CF-18 fleet requires replacement to maintain effective sovereignty patrols over vast Arctic territories and to meet commitments under NORAD. With Russia increasing its Arctic military presence and China expanding long-range air and missile capabilities, many experts argue that only a fifth-generation platform like the F-35 offers the sensor fusion, stealth, and networked warfare capabilities required for future threats.

Canada also operates a wide array of American-made defence platforms, from maritime patrol aircraft to transport fleets. This deep integration reinforces the logic of selecting a fighter that seamlessly connects with US systems in joint operations.

For Ottawa, walking away from the F-35 would mean not only restarting a costly procurement competition but potentially undermining decades of integrated defence planning.

While the formal review has been pushed indefinitely, Canada’s quiet financial commitments and operational preparations suggest a trajectory that increasingly points toward completion of the F-35 acquisition.

Yet the political optics remain complicated. With tensions between Ottawa and Washington still simmering, any definitive announcement could be portrayed domestically as capitulation to US pressure.

For now, the Carney government appears to be pursuing a cautious middle path — neither cancelling nor fully reaffirming the deal, but methodically preserving its ability to proceed.

In the high-stakes arena of continental defence and geopolitical rivalry, Canada’s fighter choice has become more than a procurement decision. It now sits at the intersection of sovereignty, alliance politics, industrial economics, and strategic deterrence.

Whether Ottawa ultimately finalizes the purchase of all 88 aircraft or recalibrates its approach, one reality is clear: the F-35 debate has evolved into a defining test of Canada’s defence posture in an era of renewed great-power competition — and strained transatlantic trust.

Boeing’s MQ-28A Ghost Bat uncrewed combat aircraft is edging closer to operational service with its launch customer, the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF), even as the program prepares to take a major technological leap with the upcoming Block 3 configuration. Speaking at the Singapore Airshow this week, senior Boeing officials outlined how the next iteration of the aircraft will significantly expand its range, lethality, and adaptability—features that also make it increasingly attractive to air forces across the Indo-Pacific.

The update was delivered by Glen Ferguson, Boeing’s MQ-28 program director, during briefings attended by international media and defense analysts, including contributors from The War Zone. Ferguson described Block 3 as the most ambitious evolution of the Ghost Bat to date, building directly on the lessons learned from earlier development phases while positioning the aircraft squarely within the emerging concept of Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA).

Australia has been at the heart of the MQ-28 program since its inception, working closely with Boeing Defense Australia (BDA) to develop a “loyal wingman” drone capable of operating alongside crewed aircraft. To date, the RAAF has acquired eight Block 1 aircraft, which serve as pre-production prototypes used primarily for flight testing, autonomy development, and concept validation.

Late last year, Canberra took a more decisive step toward operational capability by contracting Boeing for six additional Block 2 aircraft, adding to an earlier order of three of the same standard. These Block 2 drones are now in production and are widely seen as the bridge between experimentation and frontline service.

Despite that progress, timelines for full operational deployment remain somewhat opaque. Asked at the Singapore Airshow when the MQ-28 might formally enter RAAF service, Ferguson deferred to Australia’s Ministry of Defence, underscoring that decisions about operational readiness ultimately rest with the customer rather than the manufacturer.

Still, the direction of travel is clear. At the same time as ordering more Block 2 aircraft, Australia also signed a contract for the development of the more advanced Block 3 variant—a sign that the RAAF is already looking beyond initial service entry toward a more capable and survivable system.

One of the most significant upgrades in Block 3 is the addition of an internal weapons bay, a long-anticipated feature that fundamentally changes how the MQ-28 can be employed in combat. Ferguson confirmed that the bay will be sized to carry either a single AIM-120 Advanced Medium-Range Air-to-Air Missile (AMRAAM) or two GBU-39/B Small Diameter Bombs (SDBs), or weapons of comparable dimensions.

Another option under consideration is the carriage of two GBU-53/B StormBreaker glide bombs, also known as SDB II, though Ferguson stressed that this configuration represents only an initial baseline rather than a hard limit.

“The best language to use is what we provision for in the weapons bay,” he explained. “Because we are modular, because we have an open architecture, and because we have the ability for people to do things on their own, we can put any weapon in, across the board. Which ones we use is really up to customers.”

That modularity extends backward as well as forward. According to Ferguson, even the existing Block 1 and Block 2 aircraft have sufficient internal space to accommodate a weapons bay, meaning that retrofitting earlier airframes remains an option should the RAAF choose to pursue it.

The MQ-28’s path toward armed operations took a major step forward late last year with a landmark live-fire test involving a Block 2 aircraft. During the trial, the drone carried a single AMRAAM mounted externally on a prominent pylon—a temporary solution ahead of the internal bay’s introduction.

The test formed part of the Australian Defence Force’s Trial Kareela 25-4 and showcased the Ghost Bat operating as a loyal wingman alongside an E-7A Wedgetail airborne early warning and control (AEW&C) aircraft, with an F/A-18F Super Hornet providing additional support.

In this scenario, the MQ-28 successfully engaged and destroyed an Australian-built Phoenix jet-powered target drone using a live AMRAAM. Boeing revealed new details at the Singapore Airshow about how responsibilities were divided among the three platforms during the engagement.

The Super Hornet initially detected and acquired the target. The E-7A Wedgetail then authorized the engagement and managed key elements of the kill chain. The MQ-28, however, was granted authority to intercept and destroy the target autonomously.

Crucially, Boeing emphasized that the drone required only four major commands from human controllers: to take off, to establish an orbit in a defensive counter-air patrol, to leave that orbit and intercept the target, and finally to arm and fire its missile once within engagement parameters. Everything else—from navigation to timing—was handled autonomously by the aircraft.

For advocates of CCAs, this demonstration was a powerful proof of concept, illustrating how uncrewed systems can reduce pilot workload while still operating within human-defined rules of engagement.

Beyond weapons, sensors remain central to the MQ-28’s design philosophy. One of the aircraft’s defining features is its highly modular construction, including a nose section that can be swapped out to accommodate different payloads depending on mission requirements.

On Block 2 aircraft, observers have already seen at least two MQ-28s fitted with an infrared search and track (IRST) sensor believed to be derived from a Leonardo (formerly Selex) system. IRST capability allows the drone to passively detect airborne targets without emitting radar signals, a valuable attribute in contested airspace.

Looking ahead to Block 3, Ferguson confirmed that Boeing is working on “three or four” alternative sensor payloads, though he declined to provide details, citing commercial and security sensitivities. The implication, however, is clear: Block 3 will be able to support a wider range of missions, from air-to-air escort and strike support to intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance.

Block 3 will also be physically larger than its predecessors. According to information previously reported by Breaking Defense and confirmed by Boeing, the aircraft’s wingspan will increase from roughly 20 feet to about 24 feet (around 6 to 7.3 meters). This change alone is expected to deliver a roughly 30 percent increase in fuel capacity.

“One of the reasons we put the bigger wing on the Block 3 jet is for range,” Ferguson said. “Remember the Pacific mission. You obviously need range.”

That emphasis on endurance and reach reflects the realities of Indo-Pacific operations, where vast distances and limited basing options place a premium on aircraft that can stay airborne longer and operate far from home bases.

Although not discussed in detail at the airshow, Boeing has previously hinted at the possibility of equipping future MQ-28 variants with aerial refueling capability, potentially via a receptacle compatible with boom-equipped tankers. Such a feature would dramatically extend the drone’s on-station time but would also add complexity, cost, and integration challenges.

With Block 3 increasingly optimized for long-range operations and modular mission sets, Boeing sees significant export potential—particularly in the Indo-Pacific. Ferguson said he could not comment on specific acquisition plans, but he acknowledged strong interest among regional air forces.

The United States has already taken exploratory steps. In 2022, the Pentagon confirmed that it had acquired at least one MQ-28 to support U.S. Air Force research into advanced uncrewed aircraft and autonomy. Since then, a U.S. Navy test and evaluation squadron has deployed to Australia to work with the aircraft, and at least one MQ-28 has operated from Naval Air Station Point Mugu in California.

Ferguson argued that demand for CCAs is accelerating rapidly. “The opportunities for CCAs in Southeast Asia are immense,” he said. “We are having a conversation with a lot of potential customers right now about how they might field or deliver a CCA capability.”

He also issued a warning to air forces that have not yet begun serious planning. “For the people out there who have not started thinking about it, there’s a risk that in about three or four years you’re going to be disappointed as you’re behind everyone else,” he said, pointing to what he described as a “massive appetite” for adoption of loyal wingman-type systems.

One of the MQ-28’s most distinctive selling points is the degree of sovereign control it offers to customers. Unlike many traditional crewed aircraft programs, which often involve deep dependence on original manufacturers for upgrades and integration, the Ghost Bat is designed to allow operators significant freedom.

According to Ferguson, nations that acquire the MQ-28 receive not just an air vehicle, but a core system that enables them to develop their own autonomous behaviors, integrate indigenous sensors, and employ weapons of their choosing—without needing constant manufacturer involvement.

“We have that with the RAAF, and we’re looking to share that with other countries as they look to embrace a CCA capability,” he said.

This approach could be especially appealing to countries that prioritize defense sovereignty or that wish to tailor uncrewed systems to unique regional threats.

When pressed on which countries are actively discussing the MQ-28 with Boeing, Ferguson identified Japan as the only one he could publicly name. Australia and Japan have already taken concrete steps toward collaboration on the program.

During a meeting of Australian and Japanese defense ministers in September last year, the two sides signed an agreement to deepen bilateral defense cooperation, explicitly including the MQ-28. Under the arrangement, the Japan Air Self-Defense Force (JASDF) is expected to participate in MQ-28 flight test observation and training activities this year.

Analysts see this cooperation as a potential foundation for a broader multinational production and operational framework—one that could eventually align with existing security architectures such as AUKUS, linking Australia, the United States, and the United Kingdom.

For now, the RAAF remains on track to become the first service to operate the MQ-28 in an operational role. Key milestones loom in 2028, when Block 2 aircraft are slated for service introduction and initial production of the Block 3 variant is expected to begin.

Yet the pace of development in uncrewed combat aviation suggests that the Ghost Bat’s evolution may not stop there. As autonomy matures, sensors proliferate, and air forces refine concepts for manned-unmanned teaming, the MQ-28 is likely to see further upgrades and new mission profiles.

With global interest in CCAs growing and strategic competition intensifying across the Indo-Pacific, Boeing’s Ghost Bat appears well positioned to move from experimental loyal wingman to a central element of future airpower—both for Australia and for a widening circle of allies.

ST Engineering has held the keel-laying ceremony for the Republic of Singapore Navy’s (RSN) second Victoria-class Multi-Role Combat Vessel (MRCV), which will be named RSS Valour (89). The ship’s construction began in April 2025, marking another milestone in Singapore’s ambitious naval modernization program.

The event’s further details were not disclosed, but the ceremony underscores Singapore’s continued investment in next-generation maritime capabilities. The Victoria-class program envisions up to six advanced platforms, each designed to combine the operational flexibility of a frigate with the capacity to host unmanned systems.

According to ST Engineering, the new fleet will feature Singapore’s largest and most technologically advanced naval hulls in the country’s history, reflecting the RSN’s strategic emphasis on multi-domain operations. The program’s contract was initially awarded in March 2023, followed by the launch of the lead vessel, RSS Victory (88), in October 2025.

The RSS Valour is being built at ST’s shipyard in Jurong, in Singapore’s western region, and is expected to join the fleet from 2028. Measuring 150 meters (492 feet) in length with a 21-meter (69-foot) beam, the MRCV is equipped for a broad spectrum of maritime threats. Its armaments include anti-ship, anti-air, and anti-submarine missiles, supplemented by a 30-millimeter remote turret and a 76-millimeter automatic cannon.

The vessel also features a flight deck and hangar, accommodations for up to 100 crew members, and multiple radar systems to maintain situational awareness and navigational precision. Powered by a full-electric propulsion system combining diesel engines with electric motors, the ship can achieve a top speed exceeding 20 knots (37 km/h; 23 mph) and a range of 7,000 nautical miles (12,964 km; 8,055 miles), enabling long-duration deployments across diverse maritime theaters.

With the RSS Valour now under construction, the RSN continues to advance its multi-role and networked naval capabilities, reinforcing Singapore’s strategic position in the increasingly contested waters of Southeast Asia.

The US Secretary of State has said that a move by Israel’s parliament towards annexation of the occupied West Bank would threaten Washington’s plan to end the conflict in Gaza.

“That’s not something we can be supportive of right now,” Marco Rubio said before leaving for Israel as part of US efforts to shore up a fragile ceasefire deal.

In an apparent attempt to embarrass Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, far-right politicians took the symbolic step of giving preliminary approval to a bill granting Israel authority to annex the West Bank.

The Palestinians claim the West Bank – occupied by Israel since 1967 – as part of a hoped-for independent state.

Last year, the International Court of Justice – the UN’s top court – said Israel’s occupation was illegal.

Netanyahu has previously spoken in support of annexing West Bank land but has not advanced this due to the risk of alienating the US – Israel’s most important ally – and Arab countries which have built relations with Israel after decades of enmity.

Ultra-nationalists in Netanyahu’s governing coalition have repeatedly called for Israel to annex the West Bank outright, though the bill was put forward by MPs outside the government.

The bill passed in a 25-24 vote. It is unclear whether it has support to win a majority in the 120-seat Knesset (parliament), and there are ways the prime minister can delay or defeat it.

The Palestinian foreign ministry condemned the Knesset’s move, saying Israel would have no sovereignty over Palestinian land.

Israel has built about 160 settlements housing 700,000 Jews during its occupation of the West Bank and East Jerusalem. An estimated 3.3 million Palestinians live alongside them.

The settlements are illegal under international law – a position supported by an advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice last year.

As he boarded the plane to Israel, Rubio said annexation would be “counterproductive” and “threatening” for the peace deal – reiterating US opposition to annexation.

His visit on Thursday comes hot on the heels of trips by US Vice-President JD Vance and two special envoys, as the Trump administration attempts to push for the start of talks on the second critical phase of his 20-point Gaza peace plan.

The first phase – which includes a ceasefire, the partial withdrawal of Israeli forces and an influx of aid – came into effect earlier this month.

Both Israel and Hamas have accused each other of breaching the agreement over deadly incidents, but it has so far held.

Rubio voiced similar optimism to that of Vance for preserving the ceasefire.

“Every day there’ll be threats to it, but I actually think we’re ahead of schedule in terms of bringing it together, and the fact that we made it through this weekend is a good sign,” he said.

The second phase of the peace plan would involve setting up an interim government in Gaza, deploying an international stabilisation force, the withdrawal of Israeli troops, and the disarmament of Hamas.

The war in Gaza began with the Hamas-led attack on southern Israel on 7 October 2023, in which around 1,200 people were killed and 251 taken hostage.

In the ensuing conflict, more than 68,000 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza, according to the territory’s Hamas-run health ministry, whose figures are seen by the UN as reliable.

The development marks a milestone for a region that bears nearly 65 per cent of the global HIV burden and has long depended on imports of lifesaving antiretroviral medicines and testing kits. But that may be starting to change.

The human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) weakens the body’s immune system, reducing its ability to fight infections and certain cancers. Without timely intervention, it can progress to acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS), the most advanced stage of infection.

In 2023, Kenya-based pharmaceutical company Universal Corporation Ltd became the first African manufacturer to receive World Health Organization (WHO) prequalification to produce tenofovir disoproxil fumarate, lamivudine and dolutegravir (TLD) – a first-line antiretroviral therapy for HIV.

Now, in a major step forward, the Global Fund – a worldwide partnership financing HIV, tuberculosis and malaria responses – is procuring this locally produced HIV treatment for Mozambique, making it the first time African-manufactured TLD has been deployed through this channel.

“The procurement of the African-manufactured first-line HIV treatment by the Global Fund for Mozambique is a great milestone towards strengthening supply chain systems in Africa,” said Meg Doherty, Director of WHO’s Global HIV Programmes.

“This will contribute to better health outcomes for people living with HIV who need uninterrupted medicine supplies.”

Building regional capacity

WHO says the achievement is part of a broader push to bolster local production capacity and improve access to essential health technologies across Africa.

The UN agency has been partnering with countries, manufacturers and global health organizations – including the Global Fund and Unitaid – to expand quality-assured African manufacturing.

“Local production of quality-assured health products is an urgent priority,” said Rogerio Gaspar, WHO Director for Regulation and Prequalification.

“With every African manufacturer that meets WHO prequalification standards, we move closer to a more self-reliant, resilient and equitable health system.”

Progress, but structural gaps remain

Despite the milestone, WHO cautioned that production alone is not enough. To ensure long-term sustainability, the agency is calling for advanced market commitments, fair procurement policies and ongoing technical support.

WHO also points to diagnostics as a critical gap. With shifting donor funding, many countries are under pressure to maintain HIV testing programmes, which are the frontline of prevention and treatment.

In a related effort, Codix Bio, a Nigerian diagnostics company, recently received a sublicense to manufacture rapid diagnostic tests for HIV.

Locally produced HIV rapid tests will help increase affordability, and address supply chain vulnerabilities and delays
– WHO Director Meg Doherty

“Having locally produced HIV rapid tests will help increase affordability, and more broadly address supply chain vulnerabilities and delays in access to diagnostics,” said Dr. Doherty.

Sustaining impact amid funding strain

As part of its guidance, the UN health agency is also encouraging countries to adopt low-cost, WHO-prequalified rapid HIV tests, especially as the first test in national algorithms, which can significantly cut costs while maintaining service delivery.

While the latest update marks tangible progress, more action is needed.

“Locally manufactured TLD is a major step towards that goal,” WHO said, “but more action is needed.”

The U.S. State Department on May 22 approved a landmark Foreign Military Sale (FMS) to Estonia. Valued at an estimated $296 million, the deal centers around the procurement of 800 FGM-148F Javelin anti-tank missiles and an arsenal of cutting-edge supporting equipment, dramatically enhancing Estonia’s defensive capabilities in an increasingly tense security environment along NATO’s eastern flank.

This sale, formally notified to Congress by the Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA), represents not just an arms transaction but a robust reaffirmation of U.S. commitment to NATO allies vulnerable to Russian military pressure. For Estonia—a nation with a population of just over 1.3 million and a long, sensitive border with Russia—this acquisition signals a serious escalation in its national defense preparedness.

The heart of the agreement lies in the delivery of 800 Javelin FGM-148F missiles, 72 new Javelin Lightweight Command Launch Units (LwCLUs), and the integration of 12 previously approved LwCLUs from an earlier $10.18 million package. In total, Estonia will soon possess 84 advanced launch units. These assets come bundled with a full support suite: LwCLU Basic Skills Trainers, simulation rounds, battery coolant units, tool kits, spare parts, and comprehensive logistical and technical assistance.

The Javelin system, produced by the Raytheon-Lockheed Martin joint venture, is one of the world’s most combat-proven anti-tank weapons. Its FGM-148F variant features a multipurpose warhead capable of defeating heavy armor and fortifications alike. Notably, this same system has seen high success rates in Ukraine, neutralizing Russian armored vehicles with lethal efficiency. Estonia’s decision to scale up its Javelin inventory reflects the missile’s battlefield credibility and versatility in both traditional and hybrid warfare scenarios.

A standout feature of this package is the inclusion of the Lightweight Command Launch Unit. The LwCLU is a technological leap forward—approximately 30% lighter than its predecessor, making it more suitable for Estonia’s highly mobile infantry units. Enhanced optics, faster image processing, and improved thermal imaging expand the system’s utility beyond just launching missiles. It also serves as a powerful reconnaissance tool, enabling troops to identify, track, and assess threats in challenging weather and lighting conditions.

This is especially relevant for Estonia’s geography and doctrine. The country’s defense concept is built around decentralized resistance, mobility, and the ability to wage asymmetric warfare in forests, marshes, and urban zones. The LwCLU, as a portable and dual-use sensor and weapon system, perfectly complements these strategies.

“The new LwCLUs give Estonian forces a decisive edge,” says defense analyst Tomas Vark. “In a potential invasion scenario, these systems allow small units to strike, relocate, and maintain contact with the enemy without becoming bogged down or overexposed. It’s a modern tool for modern defense.”

This purchase doesn’t exist in a vacuum. It comes amid intensified Russian military activity in Eastern Europe, heightened tension in the Suwałki Gap, and increased NATO forward deployments in the Baltic states. Estonia, long aware of its vulnerability, has consistently invested in credible deterrence, from cyber defense to integrated territorial defense forces.

The Javelin deal strengthens this deterrence in tangible terms. Unlike large tank battalions or air assets—which require time, infrastructure, and political consensus to deploy—man-portable missile systems like the Javelin offer immediate battlefield utility. Their presence alone can shift strategic calculations for potential aggressors, raising the risk of significant losses in the early stages of an incursion.

Moreover, the weapons will be distributed not just to Estonia’s standing army, but also to its robust network of reserve and territorial defense units. This ensures that even in the event of a communications blackout or conventional force decapitation, distributed cells of trained fighters equipped with Javelins can resist and attrit invading forces.

The deal is also emblematic of the evolving transatlantic defense dynamic. While the U.S. continues to lead NATO militarily, the onus is increasingly on frontline states like Estonia, Latvia, Poland, and Romania to build self-reliant yet interoperable capabilities. Estonia has consistently exceeded NATO’s 2% GDP defense spending benchmark, currently allocating over 3%—a figure that puts it among the alliance’s top defense investors per capita.

This FMS approval is part of a broader trend of U.S. arms exports aligning with strategic interoperability goals. Every Javelin purchased by Estonia is compatible with systems fielded by U.S. and NATO forces across Europe. Training, maintenance, and operational planning become simpler, faster, and more effective.

“Defense isn’t just about hardware—it’s about trust, doctrine, and unity,” notes retired NATO General Klaus Müller. “This deal shows that Estonia is not just a consumer of security but a proactive contributor. And it shows the U.S. sees value in strengthening its partners in a meaningful, tactical way.”

From a timing perspective, Estonia’s order is not just strategic—it’s urgent. As global demand for the Javelin spikes post-Ukraine, securing production slots is becoming more competitive. By acting decisively, Estonia ensures timely delivery and avoids future procurement delays.

Estonia’s procurement also places pressure on other European nations to follow suit. While Germany and France have focused on rearming heavy units, Eastern European states are emphasizing cost-effective, mobile, high-impact systems. The Baltic states are pushing for more symmetrical defense doctrines that don’t just react to threats but shape them.

The Javelin deal thus represents a critical node in a larger web of military modernization underway across NATO’s eastern front. From HIMARS to Patriot batteries to armored vehicle fleets, the alliance is shifting from a posture of reassurance to one of active deterrence.

In sum, the $296 million Javelin missile package is more than a weapons deal. It is a declaration of strategic intent by Estonia—a signal that the country is ready, willing, and equipped to defend its sovereignty. It is also a message to NATO: that small allies can and should make big contributions to collective security. And finally, it is a message to Moscow: the era of Baltic vulnerability is over.

NANJING, CHINA: Armand ‘Mondo’ Duplantis was the headline act as a trio of modern-day track and field greats starred on an electrifying night of action at the world indoor championships in Nanjing on Saturday.

Duplantis was pushed all the way by Greece’s Emmanouil Karalis in a battle royale before bagging a third world indoor pole vault gold with a best of 6.15m.

“We put on a good show for everybody,” said Duplantis. “It’s great to be pushed and I’m happy for Manolo (Karalis). I had to grind for it tonight.

“It’s good for me especially and it’s just great competition. It’s just such a higher level than what pole vault’s ever been, so it’s good. You just have to want it.”

It was a truly pulsating competition, echoed in the men’s 3,000m won by a hair’s breadth by Norway’s multi-medalled Jakob Ingebrigtsen, incredibly for his first world indoor title.

The victory kept alive his tilt at a first world indoor 1,500/3,000m double since Ethiopian legend Haile Gebreselassie achieved the feat in 1999. The 1,500m final is scheduled for 1215 GMT on Sunday.

“My competitors study me, but you have to race many times to be able to respond in all scenarios,” said Ingebrigtsen, who pipped Ethiopia’s Berihu Aregawi at the line in a dramatic, fast-finishing race.

“I’ve done a lot of racing but I’m not perfect. It’s all about learning. The more you race, the more you learn, so you can make the right decisions at the right point to increase the possibility of winning.

“I don’t enjoy the 1,500m warm-up, but the racing is a lot of fun, and that’s what I’m going to do tomorrow — have a lot of fun!“

The third of the stellar trio on show was Grant Holloway, the American claiming an unprecedented third successive 60m hurdles victory that extended his indoor win streak to 94 races dating back a remarkable 11 years to when he was 16 years old.

“This one was a little bit different,” said Holloway. “I didn’t have two great rounds and had to rely on my experience to get me through the final. But I knew what I had to do, I knew what I was missing.”

“Epic showdowns on the banks of the Yangtze River” was one of the slogans brandished around Nanjing’s Cube.

And so it proved to be as Duplantis battled Karalis, Ingebrigtsen elbowed it out with Aregawi, and Holloway saw off Wilhem Belocian, the three winners handing out master classes in the art of holding your nerve when the pressure ramps up.

There were five other golds up for grabs in the Chinese city.

Switzerland’s Mujinga Kambundji produced a savage dip to regain the 60m crown she last won in Belgrade in 2022, clocking 7.04sec to see off Italy’s European champion Zaynab Dosso by two-hundredths of a second.

“Every win is always good for the confidence,” the Swiss racer said.

“It shows me that we’re doing a lot of things right because not every year is the same. You can’t just take one recipe and do it every year.

“You always have to adapt on how you feel, so I’m really happy to see that my coach can feel what I need, and we can do what’s optimal for me.”

Ethiopia’s Freweyni Hailu won the women’s 3,000m in 8:37.21, American Shelby Houlihan — just two months after returning from a four-year doping ban — edging Austrian Jessica Hull for silver by two-hundredths.

There was a Cuban 1-2 in the women’s triple jump, Leyanis Perez Hernandez taking gold with a first-effort 14.93m ahead of Liadagmis Povea and Spain’s Ana Peleteiro-Compaore.

Amber Anning ensured a first British gold in the women’s 400m by edging American Alexis Holmes by three-hundredths for the win in 50.60sec, Norway’s Henriette Jaeger taking bronze.

The US men made up for Holmes’ silver by sweeping the men’s 400m, Christopher Bailey winning in 45.08sec ahead of Brian Faust and Jacory Patterson.

It’s been one week since rebel forces launched their largest offensive against the Syrian government in years.

BBC Verify has been tracking the advance of rebel forces from north-west of the country by analysing and tracking footage that’s been posted on social media.

They appear to have captured a large area of land – including most the city of Aleppo. The Syrian government and its key ally, Russia, have been carrying out airstrikes in response.

China’s ambitions to develop a self-sufficient semiconductor industry have taken center stage in the ongoing technological rivalry between the U.S. and China. The country’s most recent advance in semiconductor lithography technology has drawn significant attention and, with it, widespread skepticism from the global tech community. As Beijing strives to overcome U.S.-led sanctions and reduce reliance on foreign chip-making equipment, critics argue that China still lags significantly behind cutting-edge industry standards. However, the broader context suggests that China’s progress, albeit incremental, cannot be overlooked.

In the intricate world of semiconductor manufacturing, lithography machines are crucial to creating integrated circuits (ICs), enabling the rapid miniaturization of transistors that underpins today’s electronics. Mastery over lithography technology would represent a major milestone in China’s efforts to become more independent in the semiconductor supply chain, a sector heavily influenced by geopolitical tensions and trade restrictions.

Lithography in Semiconductor Manufacturing

Lithography is the process used to transfer patterns from a photomask to a semiconductor wafer, a key step in the production of chips. This process uses ultraviolet light to imprint microscopic circuits, with the precision of this process determining the size of the transistors on the chip. Smaller transistors typically mean more powerful and efficient chips.

The challenge China faces in the realm of semiconductor lithography technology is to develop machinery that can compete with industry leaders like ASML (Netherlands), Canon (Japan), and Nikon (Japan). These companies dominate the global supply of advanced lithography machines and are years ahead in terms of technological sophistication.

China’s Latest Announcement

Earlier this month, China’s Ministry of Industry and Information Technology (MIIT) disclosed two domestically-produced lithography systems that it hopes will be adopted by Chinese chip manufacturers. One is a krypton fluoride (KrF) scanner capable of producing integrated circuits with 130 nanometer (nm) design rules, while the other is an argon fluoride (ArF) scanner capable of producing chips at 65nm.

While 65nm may not seem particularly advanced compared to the current industry standard of 5nm or even the 3nm chips now rolling off global production lines, this is still a noteworthy achievement. It signifies that China’s domestic semiconductor capabilities are advancing steadily, particularly in the face of sanctions aimed at cutting off its access to high-end lithography systems.

Despite the progress, several key details, such as the throughput, alignment accuracy, and the specific manufacturers behind the machines, were conspicuously absent from the MIIT’s announcement. Without this data, it is difficult to gauge how these machines truly compare to global industry standards.

China’s Path to High-End Chip Production

At present, China has set a target of reaching the 28nm process node for semiconductor manufacturing. While this still trails the latest 3nm and 5nm technology used in the most advanced smartphones and computers, 28nm chips are sufficient for a range of other applications, such as automotive electronics and telecommunications infrastructure.

The lithography machines now unveiled by China’s MIIT are critical steps on the path to achieving this goal. China currently relies on imported equipment for the production of its most advanced chips, but the ability to manufacture domestically produced 28nm chips would provide a significant buffer against sanctions. The ultimate goal for China is to push toward 5nm and smaller, enabling it to compete in the market for the most advanced chips used in cutting-edge technologies like artificial intelligence (AI), 5G, and quantum computing.

Chinese manufacturers have already shown the ability to produce 7nm chips using equipment imported from ASML, Nikon, and Canon. With multiple patterning techniques, China can push the limits of older technologies like deep ultraviolet (DUV) lithography. However, for more advanced chips, the country would need to develop its own extreme ultraviolet (EUV) systems, a technological frontier currently dominated by ASML.

Catching Up with the Global Leaders: Canon, Nikon, and ASML

When examining China’s lithography technology development, it is useful to compare its progress with the historical evolution of global leaders. Canon and Nikon are pioneers in the lithography market, dating back to the 1970s and 1980s, with the development of step-and-repeat systems, known as steppers, and later step-and-scan systems, or scanners. These Japanese companies dominated the industry in the 1980s and 1990s, with Nikon playing a pivotal role in VLSI technology, Japan’s effort to rival U.S. semiconductor technology.

Nikon’s introduction of an argon fluoride (ArF) scanner in 1999, capable of producing chips at 110nm, is similar to the capabilities now being promoted by China. Nikon continued advancing this technology, reaching 65nm production by 2004 and introducing immersion lithography, which allowed further miniaturization by filling the gap between the lens and wafer with water. Immersion lithography remains the industry standard for advanced chip production today.

While Canon and Nikon were the early pioneers, ASML of the Netherlands has risen to dominate the high-end lithography market. Its TWINSCAN ArF immersion scanner, introduced in 2003, revolutionized chip production with dual-stage systems that improved accuracy and throughput. ASML then developed the first EUV scanner in 2010, enabling mass production at 5nm and beyond.

At present, ASML has an overwhelming 80% share of the global lithography market by value, driven by its monopoly on EUV machines. These machines use light at a wavelength of 13.5nm, far shorter than the 248nm and 193nm wavelengths used by KrF and ArF scanners, respectively. EUV lithography is essential for producing the most advanced chips, with features as small as 3nm and 2nm.

ASML’s dominance is reflected in its recent sales figures. In the second quarter of 2024 alone, ASML sold eight EUV systems, 32 ArF immersion systems, and a range of older technologies, such as KrF and i-line systems. Canon and Nikon, by contrast, have largely focused on less advanced KrF and i-line systems, which serve mature technologies used in communication devices, power semiconductors, and packaging.

China’s Main Lithography Player: SMEE

Shanghai Micro Electronics Equipment (SMEE) is China’s leading domestic lithography equipment producer. Established in 2002, SMEE has developed machines capable of producing chips with design rules ranging from 280nm to 65nm, and it is likely the manufacturer of the machines recently promoted by MIIT. SMEE’s systems are currently used in less demanding sectors such as power semiconductors and LEDs, but the company has aspirations to push into the higher-end market.

SMEE has also been working on immersion lithography since 2020, a crucial step toward achieving 28nm production. Reports have suggested that SMEE or another Chinese company, Naura Technology, might soon release a 28nm-capable lithography system, but no definitive announcements have been made yet. Naura has also been researching advanced patterning techniques, such as self-aligning quadruple patterning, which could help China further miniaturize chip features without access to EUV.

The Impact of U.S. Sanctions

One of the primary drivers of China’s push toward semiconductor independence is the growing list of U.S.-led sanctions. Over the past few years, the U.S. has successfully pressured the Netherlands to restrict ASML from selling its most advanced EUV systems to Chinese companies. More recently, the U.S. has also sought to prevent ASML from servicing the ArF immersion systems it previously sold to Chinese customers.

These restrictions present a significant obstacle for China’s semiconductor ambitions. Without access to EUV or ArF immersion technology, it will be difficult for Chinese manufacturers to produce chips at the 7nm process node or smaller. However, these sanctions have also provided China with a powerful incentive to accelerate the development of its domestic lithography industry.

China’s Technological Catch-Up

While China has not yet achieved the same level of sophistication as ASML’s EUV systems, its steady progress in lithography cannot be dismissed. Chinese companies have demonstrated the capability to produce chips at the 65nm process node, and their ability to compete with older-generation machines from Canon and Nikon positions them as serious players in the lower end of the market.

The next few years will be crucial as China ramps up its efforts to develop 28nm and eventually 7nm or smaller chips with domestically produced equipment. Success will depend on overcoming technical hurdles, continued government support, and the ability to attract skilled engineers and researchers.

China’s lithography technology still has a long way to go, but it is advancing. For competitors in the semiconductor industry, complacency would be ill-advised. The story of technological catch-up is often one of incremental progress, and Beijing’s determination to build an independent semiconductor industry means the world will be watching China’s next moves closely.