13th Archives - Gulf Times | News by the minute https://gulftimes.ae/?tag=13th Largest News Aggregator in the Gulf Sun, 15 Feb 2026 10:31:00 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=7.0.4 https://gulftimes.ae/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/gt-icon.png 13th Archives - Gulf Times | News by the minute https://gulftimes.ae/?tag=13th 32 32 BNP Landslide in Bangladesh’s 13th Parliamentary Election Fatigue, Strategy and Fragmentation Reshape Political Order https://gulftimes.ae/?p=82519 https://gulftimes.ae/?p=82519#respond Sun, 15 Feb 2026 10:31:00 +0000 https://gulftimes.ae/bnp-landslide-in-bangladeshs-13th-parliamentary-election-fatigue-strategy-and-fragmentation-reshape-political-order/ Gulf News: UAE's largest news aggregator across the GCC

In winning Bangladesh’s 13th national parliamentary election, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) capitalized on a rare…

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In winning Bangladesh’s 13th national parliamentary election, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) capitalized on a rare convergence of public exhaustion and strategic patience, securing a commanding 212-seat landslide that redefines the country’s political trajectory.

The victory was not sudden. It was harvested through moments the party had spent nearly two decades preparing for. At the heart of this electoral earthquake lay a national mood defined less by optimism than by fatigue.

After years of interim arrangements, referendums, institutional uncertainty and ideological confrontation following the collapse of the political order led by Sheikh Hasina, voters were no longer searching for experimentation. They sought recognizability.

In times of perceived instability, electorates rarely gamble on untested alternatives. They retreat toward familiarity—toward institutions that carry memory, however flawed. BNP benefited from this instinct.

Rather than presenting itself as a leap into the unknown, the party framed its campaign as a return to something legible. Its years repressed in exile did not erase it from public consciousness; they preserved it there. The BNP reentered politics not as a relic, but as a survivor—one that had endured exclusion and returned intact.

The 13th parliamentary election unfolded against a backdrop of accumulated political strain. The implosion of the previous dominant system did not produce clarity. It produced disorientation.

When entrenched political orders collapse, they rarely leave behind neutral space. Instead, they leave vacuum—an atmosphere thick with uncertainty about institutions, economic direction and civil stability. In such conditions, the advantage lies not with the newest actor, but with the most recognizable one.

BNP’s history of governance, its legacy figures and its narrative of sacrifice filled that void.

Voters did not necessarily forget the party’s past failures in office. But many calculated that experience offered a safer bet than experimentation. The party’s appeal rested less on visionary promises than on institutional memory. It promised restoration, not reinvention.

Campaign speeches emphasized stability, procedural order and economic recalibration rather than sweeping ideological transformation. The message was clear: Bangladesh did not need upheaval; it needed grounding.

Central to this landslide is the political transformation of Tarique Rahman. Once dismissed by critics as a controversial heir governing from exile, Rahman now commands an overwhelming independent electoral mandate.

His ascent marks one of the most consequential shifts in Bangladesh’s modern political history. The landslide frees him from dependence on fragile coalitions and transactional politics. But it also removes excuses.

He cannot claim marginalization or obstruction. The authority he now holds is both empowering and constraining. Landslides grant power; they also concentrate responsibility.

Rahman’s challenge is existential: can he break from the patterns that destabilized earlier governments? Or will consolidation reproduce the very dynamics that once sidelined his party?

Political observers note that the electorate’s endorsement was not unconditional enthusiasm. It was conditional trust. That distinction matters.

Political exile often fractures parties. In BNP’s case, it hardened one.

Years outside power allowed the organization to rebuild loyalty at the grassroots level. Local networks were maintained quietly. Diaspora support sustained international advocacy. The narrative of injustice—of being pushed out rather than defeated—deepened cohesion.

By the time the election arrived, BNP was not improvising. It was executing a strategy refined during exclusion. Constituency mapping, candidate placement and messaging discipline reflected long-term preparation rather than reactive campaigning.

Supporters were mobilized by accumulated resentment and loyalty. The emotional memory of exclusion proved a powerful mobilizing force.

The implosion of the political structure led by Sheikh Hasina created the space BNP ultimately filled.

For years, the country’s political system revolved around a centralized axis of authority. Once that axis fractured, public trust in institutional continuity faltered. Economic anxieties compounded political uncertainty.

In that environment, calls for radical change competed with desires for predictability. BNP successfully positioned itself as the middle path—not revolutionary, not reactionary, but restorative.

Its landslide, however, should not be mistaken for ideological realignment. It was as much a referendum on instability as it was an endorsement of policy.

While BNP dominated the election, the deeper transformation may lie within the opposition. Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami achieved the strongest electoral performance in its history, moving from the margins into a position of undeniable national relevance.

Jamaat’s rise was driven by discipline and clarity of positioning. It presented itself as morally distinct from the political elite that had governed in recent years.

The party did not promise immediate transformation. It promised difference.

By framing itself as untainted by recent governance controversies, Jamaat captured protest votes from citizens disillusioned with mainstream actors. Its digital outreach strategy—highly coordinated and targeted—expanded its reach among younger voters while its long-standing grassroots cadres ensured turnout in rural strongholds.

This breakthrough signals how far public trust in traditional political actors has eroded. Jamaat’s growth reflects not only ideological commitment but also protest energy.

The election also saw the emergence of the National Citizen Party (NCP), introducing a new and unpredictable force into Bangladesh’s political landscape.

Though it did not win power, its presence confirmed the rise of a constituency that rejects both restoration of the old order and ideological conservatism.

Its support base—urban, younger and reform-oriented—represents a different political future. NCP voters articulated concerns around governance transparency, institutional checks and generational leadership.

This development fractures the binary structure that once defined Bangladeshi politics. For decades, electoral competition was shaped by entrenched rivalries. That structure is no longer intact. It has fragmented into something more complex and less controllable.

Fragmentation creates opportunity—but also volatility.

BNP’s parliamentary dominance is decisive. But overwhelming mandates carry risk.

History repeatedly demonstrates that landslides can produce illusions of permanence. Governments begin to believe their victories signal public submission rather than temporary consent.

Bangladesh’s political past offers cautionary tales. Electoral supremacy has often preceded institutional overreach, polarization and eventual backlash.

For BNP, the first test is restraint.

Bangladesh’s political culture has long operated on winner-take-all logic. Victorious parties have governed as if defeat were impossible, only to discover too late that exclusion breeds resentment.

If BNP repeats this pattern—marginalizing opposition voices or centralizing authority excessively—its landslide could prove fleeting.

The second test is corruption.

Public tolerance for graft has narrowed dramatically. Economic pressures, inflationary concerns and employment uncertainty have heightened sensitivity to elite misconduct.

Many voters returned BNP to power believing the political system required repair. Any perception that past abuses have resumed will erode legitimacy swiftly.

Transparency reforms, institutional audits and anti-corruption mechanisms will be early indicators of whether the party intends structural recalibration or symbolic change.

The upheavals preceding this election generated genuine expectations of reform. Debates surrounding referendums and constitutional recalibration created space for imagining a different political framework.

If those expectations are ignored, disillusionment could deepen.

BNP’s campaign emphasized restoration. Governance will require adaptation.

Balancing continuity with reform is a delicate task. Too much continuity risks stagnation; too much disruption risks instability.

Despite its commanding majority, BNP governs within constraints.

Bangladesh’s economy faces structural challenges requiring investor confidence and institutional credibility. International partners will monitor policy signals closely.

At the same time, domestic constituencies—emboldened by the emergence of Jamaat and the NCP—will not remain silent.

The electorate demonstrated that dominance can dissolve rapidly when public patience expires.

This election marks not merely a transfer of power, but a reconfiguration of political energy.

BNP’s victory represents the consolidation of memory. Jamaat’s surge represents disciplined ideological repositioning. NCP’s rise represents generational impatience.

Together, these forces suggest that Bangladesh’s political future will be less predictable than its past.

The binary rivalry that once defined national elections has fractured. Multipolar competition is emerging.

Whether this moment becomes foundational or transitional depends on choices made in the coming months.

Will BNP interpret its mandate as permission to dominate—or as responsibility to recalibrate?

Will opposition forces institutionalize their gains constructively—or radicalize in response to perceived exclusion?

Will reform debates mature into policy frameworks—or dissolve into symbolic confrontation?

The answers will determine whether the 13th parliamentary election marks the beginning of durable stabilization or the prelude to another cycle of political turbulence.

Ultimately, the 212-seat landslide reflects a society seeking grounding after prolonged uncertainty.

It was not an ecstatic endorsement. It was a pragmatic decision shaped by fatigue and familiarity.

Voters reached for what they recognized.

The durability of that choice now rests with those who must govern.

BNP stands at a crossroads defined not by triumph, but by responsibility. Landslides shape history—but only governance sustains it.



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Resident doctors begin 13th strike as pay dispute in England conitnues https://gulftimes.ae/?p=79750 https://gulftimes.ae/?p=79750#respond Fri, 14 Nov 2025 08:00:00 +0000 https://gulftimes.ae/resident-doctors-begin-13th-strike-as-pay-dispute-in-england-conitnues/ Gulf News: UAE's largest news aggregator across the GCC

Nick TriggleHealth correspondent Getty Images Resident doctors were striking as recently as July, when there was…

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Nick TriggleHealth correspondent

Getty Images Four doctors on strike, wearing orange BMA bucket hats and holding up placards calling for more pay, saying that '£18.62 per hour is not a fair wage for a resident doctor'. In the background St Thomas' Hospital is visible. Taken in London in July.Getty Images

Resident doctors were striking as recently as July, when there was a five-day walkout over the longstanding pay dispute

NHS bosses are aiming to keep nearly all services running as resident doctors begin a five-day walkout in England.

The strike – the 13th by British Medical Association members in the long-running pay dispute – began at 07:00 GMT and lasts until 07:00 Wednesday.

Resident doctors – the new name for junior doctors – will walk out of both emergency and non-urgent care.

Hospitals will come under the most strain, with resident doctors making up about half the medical workforce. But NHS England said patients should still attend appointments unless advised otherwise.

It said it wanted to keep 95% of non-urgent work, such as hip and knee operations, going.

The NHS aims to do this by re-deploying and offering overtime to consultants and and other senior doctors as well as relying on those not striking – around a third of resident doctors are not BMA members.

But this will come at significant cost with the NHS estimating the five-day walkout is costing £240m to cover.

‘I’m furious’

Other Colette Houliha needs surgery to remove a non-cancerous lesionOther

Despite the attempt to keep services going, patients like Colette Houlihan, 68, have still had to face postponements.

She was due to have a pre-surgery appointment on Monday, but this has now been pushed back to late December.

Ms Houlihan, from Cambridgeshire, who is waiting for a benign tumour in her neck to be removed, said she had had to put up with two cancellations already, but could understand those as she was told patients who were higher priorities needed to be seen.

“They could have had cancer. I didn’t mind that, but this is different.

“I am furious. By striking they ignore the Hippocratic Oath – first and foremost do no harm.

“Striking causes harm by way of delaying procedures, taking senior doctors from their posts and causing chaos within the system,” she said.

Challenging

NHS England medical director Prof Meghana Pandit said it was frustrating and disappointing that there was another round of industrial action at a challenging time for the NHS, with flu cases rising earlier than usual.

“Despite this, staff across the NHS are working extremely hard to maintain care and limit disruption,” he added.

But BMA leader Dr Tom Dolphin said keeping most services running would be “challenging”.

He said doctors had a legal right to strike and should not be “bullied or coerced” into working.

And he warned his members would only leave the picket line if there was a major emergency – such as a mass casualty event.

Chart showing resident doctor pay

The latest walkout comes after Health Secretary Wes Streeting launched arguably his strongest attack on the BMA.

Addressing a conference of health managers this week, he called the union “morally reprehensible” and accused it of acting like a cartel, attempting to hold the public and government to ransom.

He said doctors had received generous pay rises over the past three years – worth nearly 30%, bringing average basic salaries to just over £54,000.

Talks between him and the union broke down last week after the BMA turned down a fresh offer to end the dispute.

Streeting has maintained throughout the year that he could not negotiate on pay, but he proposed a deal that would see out-of-pocket expenses like exam fees and membership fees covered, along with a boost in speciality training places.

But the BMA has argued that, despite the pay rises, resident doctors’ pay is still a fifth lower than it was in 2008, once inflation is taken into account.

The union has also warned doctors are struggling to find jobs at a key stage of their training – between years two and three when they start speciality training.

This year there were more than 30,000 applicants for 10,000 jobs at this stage, although some will have been doctors from abroad.

“We need a solution for the jobs crisis, that bottleneck for doctors who are out of permanent work or out of consistent work,” Dr Emma Runswick, deputy chair of the BMA Council, told the BBC.

“Then we need to be able to retain those doctors throughout their careers by paying them appropriately, and that means restoration of pay.”



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